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In the last year of Ben Ali’s reign, pre-revolutionary Tunisia was officially proclaimed the ‘Year of Youth,’ with the politicians then in office once again putting forward political slogans focusing on a rapprochement with young people. As part of this endeavor, Ben Ali even went so far as proposing to the UN that ‘2010 be proclaimed as the International Year of Youth’ and that ‘a world youth congress be held [that year] under the aegis of the United Nations’ – an initiative adopted by the General Assembly in its 64th session. These efforts at outreach were being undertaken as young Tunisians were showing increasing signs of disaffection from various official political institutions, as attendance at cultural and youth centers under the auspices of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs (whose meager budget never reached the 1% required by UNESCO) confirmed. Importantly, this alienation was not solely a manifestation of antipathy towards the Ben Ali regime; even after the revolution, in 2014, the number of young people attending youth centers did not exceed 71,627 (47,106 boys and 24,521 girls) (Statistiques Tunisie 2013-2014). Indeed, official statistics show that attendance at the youth venues known as ‘Youth Houses’ (Maisons des Jeunes) and ‘Culture Houses’ (Maisons de Culture) was in fact much lower.
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With the cracking open of the political and civic space in 2011, Syrian youth were afforded the rare opportunity to emerge as direct and legitimately recognized political actors – something which had been denied them under the decades of repression of the Assad regime. First assuming the role of revolutionary vanguard and leading the protest movements calling for the downfall of the regime, the experience of Syrian youth in political representation was further honed through the formation of revolutionary councils. Yet despite this, Syrian youth were quickly sidelined as political actors. The revolutionary councils became isolated by institutions established by traditional elites, while young people themselves began delegating the representation of their demands to those more experienced in political affairs. This loss of representation, along with frustration with the actions (or lack thereof) of the international community, generated disillusionment among Syrian youth who had been passionate about the cause of political change. These dynamics, in turn, pushed youth revolutionaries to re-direct their activism towards local councils.
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This paper is a study of the infringement procedure, as it is regulated at EU level. Thus, we first analyze the existing legal framework on the matter. The implementation of this procedure in various Member States of the European Union and its consequences are then presented. Last but not least, the article refers to a series of aspects regarding the fields in which the procedure was directed against Romania since its integration into the EU.The purpose of the essay is to present in detail Romania's situation regarding the violation of EU’s law.Thus, a comparative presentation throughout time of the number of such proceedings launched against the Romanian state was made.A relevant case in which Romania was tried and convicted was also presented in detail.The large number of cases launched in 2021 highlights the delays registered by Romania on the matter.The measures ordered by the Romanian government through the elaborated the Annual Transposition Plan-2021must be carefully and systematically implemented. Romania could also consider and effectively apply the examples of good practice from the other EU’vsmember states.The historical and the comparative methods used in this presentation reveal both the similarities between the application of this procedure in the EU Member States under review as well as the difference sand its succession in time.The article is important not only for the scientists, but also for the practitioners to dispose all the necessary measures that are required.
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The author of the article focuses on the issue of anti-Semitism in Roman Dmowski’s publications, with particular attention paid to his novel Legacy. In the following steps of the analysis, the author describes the National Democracy ideologist’s attitude towards Jews in his official political writings and long prose pieces published under a pseudonym, showing the interdependencies between these two spheres of activity (political and artistic). The research uses mainly the tools of psychoanalysis and gender studies.
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The issue of violence has been a global phenomenon. Representations of violence in literature, culture and arts have been universally experienced and as a consequence it is significant to trace the root cause of all forms of violence. The living organisms are prone to violence – whether it is a human being or any other species, violence is everywhere. Structural violence constitutes all forms of violence. As Freud has figured out that there are different layers of mind and the layers produce different levels of consciousness (Freud, 1913). Michel Foucault’s theory of power establishes the relation between knowledge and power and both these factors are responsible to impose control over societal institutions. Power is one of the means through which someone could impose restrictions on the other. Structural violence is one of the tools of depriving people of their basic needs. The present paper attempts to interrogate the societal structure to make some findings of the politics of structural violence in the selected films. The paper also intends to focus on the responsible factors of gender violence and its impact on a larger scale through popular culture.
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In the European Parliament elections of May 2019 citizens cast their vote on how they want the European Union to move forward in the next five years. In times of crisis, sharp political opposition, fake news, populism and the search for a unite European approach to the problems and challenges of the day, voters have shown that they want the people to whom they have delegated power to show common sense, ability to conduct dialogue and achieve compromise and above all – clear results. The paper is an attempt to take stock of the results of the European Parliament elections. A special focus is placed on the picture in Bulgaria, as well as on the debate on the election of the President of the European Commission.
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The report examines the bilateral processes of applying for membership in the European Union in the countries of the region Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Serbia, Kosovo and Montenegro. The report's methodology will include a content analysis of public communication between the official institutions of the candidate countries for EU membership and the institutions of the EU themselves. Depending on the specifics of each country and its relative progress in the negotiations with Brussels, a comparative analysis of the various local issues will be conducted. As a common indicator in the comparative study concerning the different countries in the region, at the beginning of each one there will be considered three chronologically arranged however randomly selected events that occurred immediately before and during the growth of the pandemic, cause by COVID-19. The hypothesis that the COVID-19 phenomenon has a direct impact on the integration processes of the countries of the Western Balkans will be empirically proven or refuted.
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The COVID-19 pandemic was a public health crisis with number of social, political, economic, and psychological consequences. The varying response of institutions contributed to the reduction of the negative effects on all facets of Scandinavian life. In response, the Kingdom of Sweden give high priority over the past two years to the no-lockdown COVID strategy, promoting social distancing and good hygiene. A number of criticisms were levelled at the central government and its main public health agency regarding its bad management. This has led to the Sweden’s political crisis and the country’s Prime Minister, Stefan Löfven, lost a vote of no confidence on 21 June. However, the citizens in Sweden retained more of their personal freedom and the balance between the Sweden Democrats and the people was restored.
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Political humor online becomes increasingly important element of today societies' information diet. Its vast online usage in political and oppositional discourse, as well as its role as a communication strategy for political agitation, highlights the need to redefine the contemporary normative benefits of political jokes for democratic societies in the EU. Such analytical perspective is particularly relevant to post-pandemic EU societies in which factors as social division on major political topics and the political cleavage as a whole became somewhat of a standart. This article explores the architecture and societal function of political humor online as a means of socio-political critique and protest in post-Covid-19 EU societies. From the perspective of digital communication, the article employs the leading theoretical concepts of humor to compare what constitutes a “destructive force” for democratic and authoritarian media. The research focus falls on analyzing the role and effects of political humor in online media in the context of upholding EU's democratic values.
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At the European Parliament elections in May 2019, citizens gave their vote on how they want the European Union to move forward in the next five years. In times of crisis, sharp political opposition, fake news, populism and the pursuit of a unified European approach to the problems and challenges of the day, voters have shown that they ask people to whom they have delegated power to show reason, ability to dialogue and to achieve compromise and most of all - clear results. This text aims to give an overview of the results of the European Parliament elections. Particular focus is put on Bulgaria as well as the debate on the election of the President of the European Commission.
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The article advances two hypotheses as to the capacity of the newly elected EP to fully implement its institutional potential in the overall governance process within the EU. The first one explores the influence of the dominant crisis issues during the previous legislature for the electoral mobilisations and the casted results. The second one is related to the level of coherence of political families vis-à-vis the new divides around the European project priorities among the member-states. The article advances some observations as to an expected stalemate in terms of sustainable coalition formation and effective legislative role of the EP at least at the start of the ninth legislature mandate. A situation that might reproduce impetus for a certain crisis of governance.
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The European integration is an elitist project. In times of crisis, the elite envisions the future of the EU in general versions of a "two-speed Europe" or a "Europe of variable geometry" and makes concrete proposals such as the Europe Project or the Five Scenarios. The ultimate goal is a federation (with the exception of Menu Europe), achievable for a limited number of member states. The visions, more or less realistic, are feasible for a maximum of 15 years ahead. The article examines the extent to which these proposals offer a good response to the negative effects of globalization and the "rise of populism." Possible scenarios outlining a new topography of the EU and its member states have been analyzed. In particular, the influence of indicators such as geoeconomic weight, cultural proximity and political weight on the formation of a federal center, including Germany, France and the Benelux - "Carolingian core" - was studied.A commentary on the so-called “bureaucratic model” of a core with a dependent periphery and its viability is proposed. Conclusions have been proposed on the alternative of keeping the EU of 27 equal member states as a "Europe menu", a model imposed by the rising "counter-elite". Weaker formal relationships allow for more flexible behavior and long-term survival.
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The European Union needs stability, security and prosperity in the Western Balkans. The European perspective and Connectivity of the Western Balkans is one of the main priorities of the Bulgarian Presidency of the European Council, because providing a tangible European perspective for the countries of the region, including dialogue based on the fulfillment of the conditions, the political will and decisive reforms on the part of these countries, is crucial not only for the region but for the EU as a whole. The Western Balkan countries must act decisively. Accession is, and always will be, a merit-based process, wholly dependent on the objective (achieved by certain criteria) progress on each side. Although none of these countries meets these criteria today, the region has come a long way since the late 1990s. Significant progress has been made both in reforms and in overcoming the legacy of the wars. There are still unresolved bilateral disputes between countries in the region that the EU will not accept to be imported in the Community. Last but not least, accession to the EU is a choice that depends on the authorities of the candidate countries and the support of their citizens.
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