Czerwiec 1989. Jan Józef Lipski i fundamenty demokracji nieświeckiej
abortion, democracy, transformation, socialism, Church, June ’89, discourse, censorship
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abortion, democracy, transformation, socialism, Church, June ’89, discourse, censorship
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offending religious feelings, democracy, Rainbow Madonna, separation of Church and state
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The article consists of two parts. The first discusses issues related to the functioning of the crypto-assets market in Poland and internationally and the planned changes in the regulations governing this market. They concern the legal status of digital tokens and their use in money laundering and terrorist financing, as well as the obligations of obliged institutions in the anti-money laundering system. The second part of the study focuses on procedural and non-procedural issues related to virtual currencies. The status of the digital artefact in criminal proceedings, operational work and the conduct of investigations with a view to combating cryptocurrency crime are discussed. The article concludes with demands addressed to law enforcement and law enforcement agencies. The aim of the article is to provide a comprehensive overview of the issues related to the use of virtual currencies in the commission of crimes, covering in particular AML and terrorist financing issues.
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Political communication observers and researchers recognise that the field is undergoing deep and multidimensional transformations. Numerous recent works presented and analysed the characteristics of the changes taking place and refer to the media, political actors or citizens. However, attempts at a multidimensional analysis of changes in the political communication ecosystem are much less frequent. This article aims to identify trends in contemporary political communication. A trend is a sequence of changes forming a certain regularity, showing strength and continuity over time, and the direction of development existing at a given moment. The research in this article identifies and analyses these trends, which should be understood as an interpretation of reality requiring an interdisciplinary and open heuristic approach. This approach will provide a broader view of the processes and changes taking place in the political communication ecosystem, allowing for further analyses and the formulation of hypotheses about the consequences and possible directions of the changes taking place, particularly those relating to trust in the media and politicians.
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In August 2022 the Polish media reported on a mass mortality of fish and other animals in the Oder, which occurred as a result of contamination of the river’s waters over a section of several hundred kilometres. The situation revealed that Poland lacked an effective water control system and procedures in the case of contamination. Polish authorities’ response and crisis communication, including with foreign partners in the Oder region, were widely commented on in foreign media. From the perspective of Polish-German relations – which have been strained in recent years – how such a crisis is communicated by the media in Poland’s western neighbour seems to be of particular interest. The article presents the results of the content analysis of selected German media in August 2022. The quantitative analysis covered the service of selected German opinion-forming media. The qualitative analysis covered printed editions of selected opinion-forming weeklies (F.A.S., WamS, BamS, Der Spiegel, Stern, Focus, Die Zeit) and weekend editions of two titles published in the border federal states (ger. Bundesländer) (Neues Deutschland/Die Woche, Sächsische Zeitung). The research aimed to evaluate how the actions of the Polish government were presented in the German media during the crisis caused by the ecological disaster.
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This paper deals with the legal relationship between correspondent and respondent banks as part of a correspondent transaction. At the same time, the author analyses the performance of the due diligence on the respondent bank. In the last chapter, the author reflects on the existing application problems, supporting the currently growing trend of decreasing the number of new correspondent relationships. The primary objective of this paper is to establish, through comprehensive research on the existing legal regulation of correspondence relations at the European Union and Slovak Republic levels, a hypothesis regarding the interdependence between current application problems and the diminishing trend observed in new correspondence relations. Following scientific methods were used in this paper: the method of analysis and synthesis, method of abstraction, comparative method.
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The topic of the article are the media reports from the Russo-Ukrainian war, focused on the issue of the violence. Violence could be the act of communication, used to dominate the victims, as a ritual integrating community and the act of self-presentation of the aggressor. Rhetoric of violence refers to a certain way to describe the acts of violence, to utterances accompanying violence or being violence, instigating to it or legitimizing it. After discussing the concept, the war rhetoric of violence in the Russo-Ukrainian war is described in the article, in its linguistic dimension and content (analysis cover headlines of the publications, terms used to name the aggressors and their actions, elements stressing their brutality, mass character of violence, its systemic nature and support given by some citizens of the Russian Federation). Following the idea of rhetoric of violence’s legitimization, the author proposes the term rhetoric of violence’s de-legitimization, including 1. the rhetoric of brutality, 2. the rhetoric of breaking the civilizational rules, 3. the rhetoric of mass and systemic nature and common support, 4. the rhetoric of senseless violence. The conclusion of the article is that this rhetoric might affect the image of the Russian Federation, its soldiers and citizens, and lead to excluding them from the community of civilized countries and societies, at the same time empowering the support for Ukrainian victims and their struggle, being the effective defensive weapon in Russo-Ukrainian war.
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Against the background of the intensified U.S.-Chinese strategic competition in recent years, this paper examines the implications of the Ukraine war for security in the Asia-Pacific. Based on a qualitative analysis of hundreds of governmental documents, speeches and news articles, the study finds that both the United States and China have exploited the Ukraine war to double down on their strategic rivalry in the Asia-Pacific. The Biden administration has cast China and Russia as similar threats to the international order; intertwined Europe’s problems with those of the Asia-Pacific; and pursued a global anti-authoritarian alliance directed against both Russia and China. China has become an increasingly uninhibited security-seeker as it has recognized its own rapidly deteriorating security situation; America’s resolve to maintain its China policy; and a unique strategic moment in which to present itself globally as an anti-hegemonic, responsible great power. Given these developments, the security situation in the Asia-Pacific is becoming ever more volatile.
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By the end of December 2002, the Czech EU Council presidency came to an end. Czechia was holding the rotating Council presidency for the second time and like in 2009 its presidency trio was rounded out by the preceding French presidency and the following Swedish one. The key difference between the two Czech presidencies was the changed institutional context. While the 2009 presidency took place on the verge of the entrance into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the Treaty nevertheless only came into effect in December 2009, a couple months after the Czechs passed the presidency baton to the Swedes. The 2022 Czech presidency was thus the first that the country held under the Lisbon rules. These rules curtailed the role of the rotating presidency in terms of presiding over the European Council as well as the Foreign Affairs Council. Most importantly, the practicalities of the Czech presidency were affected by the suddenly changed international context following the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The Czech presidency as well as the presidency trio had to revise their priorities and the entire EU was primarily focused on the war in Ukraine and its consequences. This special forum containing seven articles provides an early analysis that engages the existing scholarly literature on the performance of Czechia at the helm of the EU.
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The insertion of “resiliency of democratic institutions” into the five key priorities of the 2022 Czech presidency indicates a political commitment to focus on the rule of law agenda. The following text aspires to map the practice of the Czech presidency in the domain of democratic institutions and rule of law and explain the reasons behind its (in)ability to deliver the expected outcomes. Firstly, the article analyses the specifics of the EU regulatory framework for the rule of law, and the impact of the Czech internal political situation after the 2021 parliamentary elections on the presidency’s performance. Secondly, the text covers four key policy issues that required the presidency’s attention in the second half of 2022: the evaluation of the judicial systems of member states, the formation of new EU rules for media freedom and the fight against disinformation, the amendment of the EP election process, and the judicial response to the crimes committed during the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
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The paper aims at contributing to our understanding of the role of emotions in the protest movements’ demobilization by drawing on the pro-choice protest movement activity in Poland. The two most significant waves of social mobilization in the history of democratic Poland were an expression of opposition to the tightening of anti-abortion laws. Although those populist movements failed to achieve their goals, their mass activity ended. Charles Tilly’s and Sidney Tarrow’s theoretical framework of demobilization explains the dynamics of contention only to some extent. Accordingly, demobilization began when most protesters became discouraged due to repression, boredom, and the desire to return to their everyday life. However, it is a puzzle under what conditions these cognitive factors translate into demobilization in a way that shapes and finishes the trajectory of movement activity. The study contributes theoretically to social movement studies and contentious politics by developing the theory of demobilization. It also sheds light on the role of emotions in orienting and shaping mass mobilization. Furthermore, it contributes empirically to studies on pro-choice activism in Poland by explaining the dynamics of the two great waves of mass mobilization.
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The theoretical and practical difficulties in using criminal law measures against law enforcement officers who exceedpower or official authority are studied here. The types of law enforcement agencies of Ukraine are clarified, and the signs of divisionof their system are described. The criteria for determining the status of law enforcement officers are established, and the featuresthat distinguish an official from the support staff are emphasized. Finally, the most common disadvantages enshrined in theCriminal Code of Ukraine in terms of liability for abuse of power or official authority by law enforcement officers are analysed. Theconcepts of law enforcement officers, persons carrying out law enforcement activities, persons endowed with law enforcementpowers, executors of law enforcement functions and the meaning and instances of their application in domestic legislation arealso investigated. In light of the study results and the requirements of current criminal law, including the positions of criminal lawscholars, suggestions for possible ways to eliminate existing regulatory shortcomings are provided
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In her article, Monika Wiszniowska looks into Paweł Smoleński’s creativeness. Smoleński is a reporter and publicist, since 1989 a journalist affiliated with „Gazeta Wyborcza”, and an author of many books in which he has written on Polish and international issues, regarded as the most important observer of Israeli and Middle East affairs. Wiszniowska focuses on Smoleński’s two roles, adequately concretized in two textual layers. The first role is that of a social and political writer, realized in this part of a text which tells the reader about the world, using the available knowledge and acting as a guide to unknown parts of the world. He tries to understand this world, and to explain the phenomena that occurr in it. In his books, Smoleński is not trying to convey or make visible his ideology but rather to present the ideas that influence the text’s structure. One can find those ideas not only in the few passages which present the author’s way of thinking, but above all in deeper layers of narration, where one can discover Smolenski’s perception of the world. The other role is that of a writer-humanist who cannot narrate any complicated events in our present day reality without concentrating on the fate on an individual human being. He listens to his protagonists’ stories as they tell about their experiences but also as they expose their individual ways of thinking. In Smolenski’s tales, not only those concerning the Middle East, we find incorporated an ethical project which is based on such European values as rationalism and the anthropocentric perspective. Both roles complement each other creating the original idiom of Smolenski’s work.
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Presidents in parliamentary regimes are generally less powerful in their competencies and serve more as moderators of political disputes rather than as the main actors of executive power. Despite this, they can often appear at the edge of constitutionality in the performance of their powers. In Central Europe, it is the President of the Czech Republic who finds the greatest discrepancy between written and politically practised powers. Constitutional actors can bring a constitutional lawsuit, a competence lawsuit, or activate against the president Article 66, transferring the performance of certain duties to the other constitutional actors. Often, however, these instruments are not used. Semi-structured interviews with experts (N = 6) in the field of constitutional law revealed to us that the Czech president has broader powers than the Constitution gives him because many constitutional actors do not file a lawsuit even if they had a significant possibility of winning. Our analysis also showed that there are some cases where the experts disagree among themselves such as on the appointment of the governor of Czech National Bank. At the same time, this work revealed the different approaches of the individual presidents in the situations studied.
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International migration has been a significant trend in recent years. Digital transformation is regarded as a continuous process affecting virtually every area of life in societies worldwide. It has had a major impact on international migration, resulting in the emergence of a new era of interconnected migrants and digitalized migration processes. Digital transformation enables network building among migrants, making it possible to interact in a “digital space” from different geographic locations in real time. Also, through the use of digitalization, migrants can react to unexpected events such as socio-economic developments, natural disaster, climate change etc. by deciding to change the plan to migrate in terms of time and place. In this context, digital transformation has been defined as “the use of new digital technologies (social media, online information portals for migrants, job-search portals designed for migrant workers, governmental services in digital format)” to enable major migration improvements to enhance migrant workers’ experience or streamline the migration process. Taking inspiration from the new field of ICT and migration, this paper explores the migration process in Lithuania, and the role digital technologies has played to impact the ease of migration. It established a conceptual framework of digital transformation resources used by migrants during the migration process based on a literature review. Four main elements, located along two axes are included in the framework: the “host society-source society” and the “pre-migration phase-post-migration phase” axis. We conducted a survey and empirical assessment of survey results and concluded with some avenues for future research. Future work should increase the sample size for result validity.
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In August 1920 the turning-point operations of the Polish-Soviet war took place. A battle was fought at the Wkra, Vistula and Wieprz rivers, which led to pushing back the Western Front troops of komandarm Mikhail Tukhachevsky from Warsaw and breaking up of part of his forces. The same month, in the southern section of the front, the Polish Army defended Lviv against the attempts of komandarms Alexander Yegorov and Semyon Budyonny. In the fights for Lviv, the Polish troops confronted the forces of the South-Western Front, including the legendary 1st Cavalry Army, which was the main force of the Bolsheviks intending to conquer the capital of Galicia. The Polish command, having no reserves at its disposal, directed the 3rd Air Squadron of Major Pilot Cedric Faunt le Roy to fight against the „Horsearmy”. Despite the strength of even four escadrilles at its peak (5th and 6th Reconnaissance Escadrilles, 7th Fighter Escadrille and, with time, 15th Fighter Escadrille), between 9–19 August it had in fact only a few operational planes. In spite of this, the Polish crews were tirelessly performing their tasks: reconnoitering enemy forces – their intentions and composition – and, most importantly, delaying their march. In this article the author describes the composition and tasks of the 3rd Air Squadron, and the course of its fights against the 1st Cavalry Army in August 9–19, 1920. He also drew attention to the combat tactics of Polish aviators, which he analyzed accordingly.
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In 1959, following the introduction of the law on universal military service, seminarians were conscripted into the Polish „People’s” Army as part of compulsory service, initially dispersing them into numerous units. This was a form of repression which, according to the communist authorities, was supposed to curb the „unruly” behavior of individual church hierarchs. In the following years, there were changes in the way clerical students were dispersed in the army – they started to be grouped into three subunits, which allowed for better communist indoctrination led by the Main Political Directorate of the Polish Army, but above all for the counterintelligence „protection” of the seminarians organized by the Internal Military Service (IMS). Initially, military counterintelligence did not do well with recruiting seminarians as agents. With time, as the cooperation with Department IV of the Ministry of Interior (civil anti-church department) was developing, the IMS authorities managed to improve their operational work in the battalions where future clergymen served. Despite the partial resignation of clerical students from their studies and recruitment amongst them by IMS, thanks to the efforts of the Catholic Church a large number of young seminarians were saved, and their conscription into the army only strengthened the Church by verifying future priests through their military service at the very beginning. Eventually, year 1980 put an end to the conscription of seminarians into the Armed Forces of the People’s Republic of Poland. One of the numerous actions of the communist authorities against the Catholic Church proved to be ineffective.
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The article presents a biographical outline of Jan Kotyza, a soldier of the Home Army, Peasants’ Battalions and the Polish People’s Army. He was born in Bieńczyce near Cracow in a peasant family. Thanks to the persistence of his parents and teachers he finished high school and then studied physical education at the Jagiellonian University. Just before the outbreak of World War II, Kotyza took over the position of manager of the newly built city stadium at 3 Maja Avenue in Cracow. He was a reserve officer but did not take part in the Polish campaign of 1939. During the occupation he got involved in underground work. Initially, it consisted only in the distribution of underground magazines. He joined the Union of Armed Struggle (ZWZ) and took pseudonym „Krzemień”. Initially he organized a platoon in the villages of Bieńczyce, Krzesławice and Mistrzejowice. Then he became the commander of the ZWZ post „Mogiła”, which included municipalities: Mogiła, Ruszcza and Węgrzce. He left the ZWZ to join the Peasants’ Battalions (BCh). At the same time he became a member of the underground People’s Party „Roch”. After the BCh where merged with the Home Army, he took command of the „Pająk” battalion. In 1943, he was promoted within the BCh and became commander of the Cracow district codenamed „Forest Inspectorate No. 6”. Shortly after the liberation from the Germans, he answered the call of the new authorities to join the so-called Polish People’s Army. Initially he was not sent to the front, eventually he was sent to the 2nd Army. He did not manage to take part in fights against the Germans. He was near Dresden, from where he was withdrawn through Wrocław to Rzeszów, where he took part in fights with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. After being demobilized, he returned to his hometown.
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Unlike the times when Moldovan state’s security was based on military power, today’s national security is basedon a central theme that is comprised of the values of the rule of law, good governance, and strong institutions that exist to servethe people, not a select group. We must follow this direction with uncompromising exactitude. Otherwise, we will live in anenvironment of insecurity that benefits the minority at the expense of the majority. One of the fundamental objectives of theEuropean Union is to create a space without internal borders, where people can move, live and work, with the firm belief that theirrights are fully respected and their security is guaranteed
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