Around the bloc: More Physical, Legal Barriers for Migrants
Migrants clashed with police on Macedonia’s southern border over the weekend.
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Migrants clashed with police on Macedonia’s southern border over the weekend.
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Remittances from foreign-based workers are vital to the nation’s economy.
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Council of Europe’s top rights official urges Budapest to scrap laws that criminalize migration.
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Last week the Czech Republic witnessed the emergence of Bohuslav Sobotka as a major new political player.
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Decrepit old structures must go, but plans for their replacements are classified, official claims.
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The reform of Chinese banking system was undertaken by Deng Xiaoping in 1978. During this structural change, the central bank of the People’s Republic of China departed the ministry and became a separate entity. The People’s Bank of China was formally established as the central bank in 1983 by the State Council. As a result of the reforms of Deng Xiaoping China underwent a change of monobank system to two-tier banking system. Moreover, the function of the People’s Bank of China as a central bank was formally confirmed in 1995 when the third Plenum of the National People’s Congress adopted The Law of the People’s Republic of China on the People’s Bank of China. The China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC) is the supervisor of the financial institutions in the People’s Republic of China. The central government established this institution in March 2003. The State Council is the leadership of the CBRC. The main functions of the China Banking Regulatory Commission is the formulation of supervisory rules and regulations concerning the Chinese banking institutions, the authorization of the establishment, changes of the financial institutions and also the compilation and publishing of the statistics and reports of the banking industry.
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The main objective of the European cohesion policy is the convergence of the Member States, enabling civilization advancement of less developed regions. In the implementation of this kind of policy the rational use of land plays an important role. The National Spatial Development Concept 2030 assumes that the determinant of the living conditions of citizens and the local and regional development is to restore and preserve the spatial order. An interesting example enabling the realisation of such a goal is to determine the functional area at the junction of three cities: Chorzów, Ruda Śląska and Świętochłowice. This area is characterised by a similar industrial history, analogous internal (e.g. social) and external (e.g. transport) conditions, which supports the idea of undertaking joint ventures related to the rational use of land.
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In the article the Author addresses the problem of public-private partnership (PPP) development in Poland in the years 2009-2014. Within this period 363 PPPs were initiated. These projects were assessed according to (1) legal form, (2) nature of public tasks and in the context of the territorial and administrative division of the country. The article also raises the problem of local government debt in Poland and the need to undertake research projects on PPPs in the context of growing deficit of public finances.
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The author analyzes four key factors of the state built upon principles of the Latin civilization; these factors include morality (the uprightness of citizens), science, production and army. He accentuates that all the actions based on revolutionary methods and assumptions must be removed from the social life of Europe and Poland because of their harmfulness and dangerous practices. Politics, when realized according to the above-selected principles, allows recovering and strengthening the pillars of Western culture. These pillars include: A) Family based on the undissolvable and unsolicited marriage of a man and a woman, which fosters love between them and for all the others, which enables the actual equality of a man and a woman in their rights and duties, which founds private property and the opportunity of getting matured during the lifetime of parents. B) The administration of justice in all areas of human life through the public authority which while giving back what is due to each other contributes in establishing a genuine interpersonal peace along with its various fruits. C) The respect for human work which enables an essential development of any human goods, as well as the eradication of any form of slavery. D) The independence of religious life from political and temporal factors, which ultimately serves the priority of the human spirit over all the finite and the means for human life.
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Following the call of Kazimierz Twardowski, who in 1936 spoke of “the dignity of the university”, this essay is an attempt to examine the extent to which this idea is still valid. By distinguishing between “governance” (critical analysis of the situation and advocating adequate means not only for describing, but also for changing the world) and “management” (serving primarily not to renew or change the world, but to achieve quantifiable results in the application of well-known and thoroughly elaborated administrative and financial measures), we show that one of the main problems in the academy today is the lack of a proper critical distance to the accepted ways of organizing the world, recognized, too hastily, as uncontested. This is why universities have had imposed on them a discourse of economics as the only means of conducting and describing their activities. Without neglecting in any way economic factors, it is necessary to refuse to follow the techno-bureaucratic policies being applied in universities as a means of “forcing” results in research. The task and role of the university are rooted in a deep conviction that the problems of today's world cannot be solved solely through the belief they are purely economic in nature. The University has always demanded we recognize the moral causes of the difficulties that place a strain on our common existence. What is forgotten by the techno-bureaucracy currently “managing” science and education, is, as Leszek Kołakowski summed up perfectly, fact that: “(...) for at least some of the great problems facing mankind there are no purely technical or organizational solutions”, because they require, above all, a “spiritual transformation”.
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Yalta-Potsdam system emerged from World War II turned Poland into the orbit of the Soviet Union. It was economically dependent (CMEA) and the military-political (the Warsaw Pact) from the eastern neighbor. Taken attempts too independent to strengthen Polish security (Rapacki Plan, Gomulka Plan, Polish-German Agreement of December 1970) ended in failure. Martial law in 1981, the international isolation deepened in Polish and also became addicted to from Moscow. Moving away from confrontation between East and West at the end of the years 80. resulted in the signing of the border treaty with Germany (1990) and the reorientation of the Polish on the cooperation with the Western World.
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Bulgaria may detain migrants in gated centers after violent incidents in one of the country’s refugee centers.
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The paper discusses basic income in the context of feminist political ecology using the concepts of reproductive labour, both performed by people and by nature. In the first part we will elaborate on the Wages for Housework campaign as a forerunner of the idea of basic income. This campaign inscribed the concept of income into an intersectional relation between patriarchy and capitalism which was a key element of its revolutionary dimension. In the second part we analyse three different social struggles in order to create a ground for further reflections over the legitimacy of such tools (and resolutions) such as basic income. On the one hand the paper highlights some elements of the crisis of social reproduction, brought about and further deepened by neoliberal reforms in Poland over the past 25 years. On the other hand, it alludes to the issues of ecological crisis which needs to be taken into account in every anti-capitalist theory or strategy. Thus, the article aims to investigate as to whether the wage demands for both reproductive and productive labour are still relevant in the era of neoliberal capitalism.
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In the paper the author analyses and presents through practical examples the use of storytelling as the bearer of the persuasion and change ideology. The course of usage is presented through its inception in film industry, mass media to virtual reality. The author has explained how storytelling became part of the panoptic view and participation in the hegemony of power in such way that it assures the rules for behaviour as well as the pedagogy of change. In this paper storytelling is presented as the memory keeper and bearer of strategic project because it possesses the power which cannot be manifested in the control and discipline but in the collective story and memory.
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After embracing his Jewish heritage, former far-right party leader is focused on fighting anti-Semitism.
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This article attempts to cap the contemporary law issues analyzed multidisciplinary author previous other materials through innovative approaches, the proposed solutions, the originality of the research scientific, regarded even by right relationships with ethics and aesthetics but also the specifics of their interaction. The material is structured main themes and overall guidance to the problem we distinguish between original law in general and contemporary law between domestic law and international law. Broadly, there are two conceptions, the one hand,a conception transcendental or iusnaturalist, which sees as the expression of universal principles and timeless, and, on the other hand, a conception positivistic and instrumental, which sees as a technical pure, neutral and empty of meaning. However, from an ethical and aesthetic perspective on contemporary law characterized by plurality, complexity and transdisciplinarity
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In the past few years there have been considerable and positive developments in important issues for the Muslim communities in Greece. The paper focuses on a number of initiatives and policies that have been taken by the Greek state in the last years, aiming at the improvement of Muslim education structures and the strengthening of the religious identity of the Muslim minority of Thrace; it also focuses on recent decisions and initiatives aiming at the improvement of the religious structures of Muslim immigrants in the metropolitan area of Athens. The paper shows the reasons behind these developments, namely the role of the European Union financial and symbolic resources, the changes in the priorities and the mentality of Greek governments since 1990 and especially in the very recent years.
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Albanians and Romanians represent the second and first immigrant group in Italy. Both groups have been subjected to phenomena of xenophobia during the 1990s and 2000s, respectively. The research project, to which this paper refers, explores the social relationships between Albanians, Italians and Romanians, focusing on mixed partnerships/marriages within a context of integration, which is interpreted as a way of boundary-making and through the perspective of mixedness. In particular, this paper tries to organise quantitative data retrieved from official sources and qualitative inputs drawn from the reference literature, through the framework proposed by Kalmijn (1998)1, who has specifically approached intermarriage as a combination of structural constraints, personal preferences and third party interference. In this way data on the Albanian and Romanian immigrant groups are thus framed in order to prepare the groundwork for a qualitative study specifically on Albanian-Italian/Romanian mixed marriages in Italy.
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Philippe de Commynes, veliki pisac ≫Memoara≪, želio je u XV. stoljeću pokazati ovim riječima da je dioba svijeta na države i narode Božja volja kako bi se osigurala politička ravnoteža u Europi. Povjesničar Commynes referirao se na Europu i slobodno upotrebljavao njezino ime. Uostalom, objasnio je, o Europi govori jer je poznaje.
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The notion of a clan of the first secretary in the soviet Lithuania or, in contrast, speaking about the consolidated titular nomenklatura enables to penetrate deeply into the governing of a soviet republic. The key questions here are: what kind of networks? Could the sort of networks and trust help us explain political dynamics in the soviet Lithuania and reasons why exactly Soviet Lithuanian Communist party became the first one in the Soviet Union that break with CPSU in 1989? What kind of circumstances and political context made possible the horizontal links among nomenklatura members and made nomenklatura likely to be a more consolidated network than the personal clan of the first secretary in such a centralized soviet system? Seeking to draw a difference between the clan and the consolidated titular nomenklatura, useful is the concept of krugavaya poruka presenting the Lithuanian nomenklatura as a cycle of functionaries bounded with interpersonal ties and collective responsibility against Moscow to drain out the political forms of nationalism in society. This article focuses on the personal network of Petras Griškevičius, the first secretary of the Communist party of Lithuania (1974–1987), revealing the importance of his networking in controlling the soviet Lithuanian nomenklatura. Griškevičius’ leadership network consisted of professionals and technocrats (functional nomenklatura), on the one hand, and the functionaries loyal to Griškevičius personally (Griškevičius’ personal clan) on the other. Tensions between members of functional nomenklatura and representatives of his personal clan appeared in many sectors of political, economic and social life of the republic. The article investigates cases of intelligentsia and technocracy in order to show how Griškevičius had used the competition between the functional nomenklatura and members of his personal clan aiming to gain more power. While the first secretary succeed in keeping balance among nomenklatura members, his power was limited by political circumstances. There were at least three factors that made possible the distinguished situation in the soviet Lithuania: 1) high expression of nationalism in society, 2) low status of the first secretary of the republic’s Communist party, 3) the role of the second secretary of the Communist party sent by Moscow into republic’s leadership. The obligation against Moscow to drain out political forms of nationalism in the republic led to functionalism in its nomenklatura leadership. Threat and political responsibility for the expression of nationalism demanded functional skills from party and soviet managers able to deal with political, social, and economic problems in the republic. For this reason, Griškevičius could not behave in the nepotism way by recruiting only trusted and personally loyal to him functionaries into leadership; he needed professionals. Secondly, in contrast to the “masters” in other republics, the first secretary of the soviet Lithuania had a comparatively low status in all-Union institutions. Both the first and second secretaries were only a member and a candidate member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. This low status of the first secretary in all-Union bureaucracy ranking made an impact on the behavior of the local nomenklatura, because it got a room for the personal play between the first and the second secretaries.
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