Around the Bloc: Brother of Kosovo Premier Sought German Asylum
Other relatives of Isa Mustafa among many thousand Kosovans who requested asylum in the EU last year.
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Other relatives of Isa Mustafa among many thousand Kosovans who requested asylum in the EU last year.
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EU partners withdraw from joint venture with Russian company to avoid the threat of Polish legal action.
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The paper presents possibilities of co-participation of inhabitants in management and development of a territorial unit. On the background of the main objectives of DART model an attempt was made to adapt it to the specificity of a territorial unit. The study of 223 residents of Podkarpackie voivodeship showed that young people were rather weakly involved in the development of their community. Their dissatisfaction was caused above all by poor opening of local authorities to initiatives of young, educated people. To counteract it one should rely on a dialogue and strengthening relationships with residents through multidirectional communication, especially social media.
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The paper traces the dynamics of the sharp shifts in the relations between Bulgaria and DPRK during the Cold War period within the context of the dramatic clash in the world communist movement caused by the Sino-Soviet split at the beginning of the 60s. Through the exam of the relations between Bulgaria from one side, known as the most faithful ally of the Soviet Union during the Cold war period, and the DPRK from the other side which was one of the very tender spots within the bipolar global rivalry between the superpowers, the authors put under analyzes and verify the rationalities of the position and actions of the North Korean state within the Sino-Soviet split as well as the position of the Soviet Union toward DPRK during the dramatic change of the whole paradigm of the Cold war in East Asia from the end of 60s and the beginning of the 70s. The relations between Bulgaria and PDRK during that phase of the Cold War period clearly show how two small countries who were very much dependent on the big Communist powers as Soviet Union and PRC could have their own place and to play their particular role within the geopolitical and ideological changes and clashes in the International communist movement during the 60s. The documents show how in the bilateral relations those countries are trying to defend their own interests too as well as to play the role of a significant part in their allied policy sometimes related with the task of keeping a very delicate and difficult balance. At the same time it shows how no matter of some sharp ideological clashes and disagreements as well as some unfavorable diplomatic incidents like the one with the four North Korean students in Bulgaria, leading to a heavy diplomatic crises and unpleasant consequences, both countries took the advantage of the new change in the general geopolitical situation in the East-West relations during the Cold war at the end of the 60s and the beginning of 70s that offered them a new possibilities and opportunities for more favorable shift in the relations between Bulgaria and North Korea.
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Although neo-liberalism has not been able to offer any lasting solution to the profound economic crisis and long-run stagnation of the European Union (EU), its ideological supremacy (non-hegemonic in Gramscian terms) has still proceeded in the EU. This article reviews the historical evolution of neo-liberal restructuring in the European integration from the perspective of neo-Gramscian International Political Economy (IPE) literature. The majority of the recent critical IPE studies in the political economy of European integration is based on Robert Cox’s “World Order” theory with neo-Gramscian foundations. Neo-Gramscian IPE emphasizes the significance of transnational relations from a historical materialist perspective and perceives that European integration process is the outcome of a struggle between transnational social forces. In addition, this article analyzes the crisis of neo-liberal hegemony in the EU, the changes in the political economy of the EU after the euro crisis, and the model of authoritarian neo-liberalism from a neo-Gramscian perspective.
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Disruptive behavior of the pupils became from different reasons and social circumstances. Animportant role, a huge one I would say, it has the teacher, who put the intellectual base at thepupils. The teacher intervention to maintain the order in the classroom putting on the end to thedisruptive behavior or on the contrary gets to the worse. So, teacher intervention has some basicsteps which must get follow, but their not a basic rule, it is more a reference point from wherethe teacher could guide in a difficult situation. The classroom management, concerns theessential appearance of the teacher works, the effective management, under the civic-democracyvalue, sign, inherent conflicts from classroom, assuming that school anticipate and preparegraduate for involvement and for resolve the conflict from a democratic society.
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This article, by following theories of informal institutionalization and not of democratic consolidation, aims at conceptualizing the existing post-Dayton or post-transitional political regime in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BH). The study applies a structural approach to regime building, identifying the set of institutionalized rules structuring the interaction of the political power center and its relation with the broader society. The first part of the article explains the specificities of both first and second transition in BH and identifies its main actors, thus setting the conditions for posterior analysis. The second part of the article elaborates on the existence of ethno-national hegemony in BH socio-political space, and examines the importance of bureaucratic office and its patrimonialization for the structuring of what we define as Ethno Bureaucratic Patrimonialism (EBP). Towards the end, the analysis is completed through inclusion of both possibilities and realities of civil society development inside of this informally institutionalized regime whose most palpable characteristic is the inexistence of a protective state and the arbitrary rule of power.
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The purpose of this work is an analysis of the systems of basic component factors of influence on the social market economy of country with determination of them high-quality descriptions. Adduction results of analysis of basic component factors of influence on the socially oriented market economy of country. The developed system of co-operation of sociokul'turnikh factors is in a social market economy. It is rotined that a social economy foresees the high level of development of these factors, and people, that they will be realized, must have high spiritual developed, culture and to be the business professionals, capable continuously to study and perfected. In society it must not be institucional'nikh factors, inherent economic to the backward countries. The state, public organizations and political parties, must have the proper strategic vector of development of country.It follows to send subsequent researches in the direction of exposure of reasons of braking of passing to the social economy in Ukraine.
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The submitted paper focuses on main events affecting the process of Bolshevization of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Košice during years 1924 – 1929. The primary sources relevant to gaining information of the whole process are till now unpublished documents deposited in the State Archive in Košice, namely funds Košická župa and Policajné riaditeľstvo Košice. Development of political and personal situation in Košice communist organization is complemented by changes in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on state level and impact of these changes upon Košice branch. In a concise fashion are also probed interferences of the Communist International, which had a substantial impact upon developments if CPC as well as communist organization in Košice. The aim of the paper is also take into consideration a social situation in Košice and its impact on personal relations of exponents of CPC.
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Since 2012, several European countries have seen the rise of conservative and, in part, fundamentalist social movements fuelled by the animosity against the perceived threat of „gender ideology” or „gender theory”. Being opposed to women’s rights, LGBTQ issues, certain administrative policy instruments (such as gender mainstreaming) as well as the public financing of gender studies departments, the advocates of these platforms tend to regard all political and non-governmental actors, administrative staff and scientific researchers who focus on these issues as a single homogeneous group and an organised lobby. This is partly manifested in grassroots or religiously-affiliated movements and partly in the agenda of right-wing and populist parties. More and more researchers are convinced by the transnational character of the movements as well as the broad impact of discourses and practices reaching across national borders and issues that we are not dealing with isolated cases, but a coherent phenomenon. Contrary to the three most frequent interpretative frameworks, i. e. the national/local political context, the discourse/mobilisation of the Roman Catholic Church, and the conservative backlash, I discuss these movements in the context of the rise of right-wing populism and on the basis of theoretical explanations seeking to grasp the demand side. On the one hand, I argue that the study of this phenomenon provides important clues for understanding the reasons behind the gain of populist forces in Europe and beyond. On the other hand, I propose that „gender” is not the final target for these movements which should primarily not be understood as mobilizations against equality. Rather, the emergence of these movements is a symptom of a larger crisis, and their ideologies are the surface, where „gender” is a symbolic glue. These mobilizations are rather the throes of a contest for redefining liberal democracy where, in the interpretation of its adversaries, „gender ideology” embodies numerous deficits of the established global power order and the so-called progressive actors, and they react to these by re-politicizing certain issues. Therefore, the interpretations limited to a ‘fight between values’ are rather an obstacle to understand the phenomenon, by repudiating or obscuring this important structural realignment. Based on Chantal Mouffe’s concept of ‘consensus’ and her critique of the established hegemony of consensus in liberal democracy, I discuss the contribution of three phenomena that are characteristic of the so-called progressive actors (including the feminis and LGBTQ actors), namely the neoliberal consensus, the human rights consensus and the consensus about liberal progress, to the rise of the movements against ‘gender ideology’.
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The article deals with the practice of the tax authorities in different countries. The peculiarities of tax control in some foreign countries. Generalized positive features of the foreign tax authorities and are those that can be useful in the implementation of national practice.
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In the current time of power dispersion and lots of stakeholders’ presence in public policy process the opportunities for rational public goals achievement are on the decrease. The role of administration changes as a consequence. The necessity to control over the policy process and to influence with the policy communities is added to its expert function to look for rationality. Finding the balance between the rational decision and the public support for its implementation becomes the main challenge to the contemporary public administration.
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The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, the securitization of the Middle East and the universal superiority of the United States. The main finding of the research is that the perception of the Middle East is connected with the self perception or the question of “What is the United States of America?”
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Russia’s renowned arms manufacturer takes a bold step into the consumer market.
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The Eastern Partnership region is currently going through a process of institutional formation and consolidation in which promoting public ethics can play a major role in the legitimacy of its administration and attracting foreign investors. Through various datasets, we explore here the level of corruption in the region, as well as the measures that could be employed to counter it. The first section aims at assembling the conceptual references of corruption. Secondly, the analysis turns to the manifestation forms and the assessment of the extent of the phenomenon. Finally, this paper looks at the potential remedies. In this section, the paper also deals with some of the anti-corruption approaches, as we assess preventive and corrective measures, and discuss the potential contribution of adopting international benchmarks of ethical behaviour in the public sector, such as the ISO 37001 Anti-bribery Management Systems.
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Sebastian Maisel, ed., The Kurds: an Encyclopedia of Life, Culture, and Society, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 2018, 376 pp., (978-1-4408-4256-6). Murat Yeşiltaş and Tuncay Kardaş, eds., Non-State Armed Actors in the Middle East: Geopolitics, Ideology, Strategy. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 278 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-319-55287-3). Barbara Henning, Narratives of the History of the Ottoman-Kurdish Bedirhani Family in Imperial and Post-Imperial Contexts: Continuities and Changes. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2018, 756 pp., (ISBN: 9783863095512). Gareth Stansfield and Mohammed Shareef, eds, The Kurdish Question Revisited. London: C Hurst & Co., 2017, 712 pp., (ISBN-10: 0190687185; ISBN-13: 978-0190687182). Abbas Amanat, Iran: A Modern History, New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 2017, pp. 1000, (ISBN-10: 0300112548, ISBN-13: 978-0300112542).
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Based on the concept of ‘affectedness’ (or ‘Betroffenheit’, Mies 1978), this articleattempts to demonstrate how all participants in research, education, and social activism in theMiddle East and North Africa (MENA) are impacted by the lack of a stable social environment,which is seen as the bedrock of scholarship by mainstream Northern theories and scientificmethodologies. Researchers, academics and activists – as part of civil society – must deal with thisintentional lack of security, social justice and freedom. In it we can recognize a form of eliteproduced, and potentially indefinite, postcolonial, systemic liminality. Whether women or men,from the Global South or North, we should consider how the topics we are studying and theconditions under which we work impact us individually and collectively. Inversely, we shoulddetermine how our endeavors directly impact the lives and environment of the subjects we areinteracting with. Reflection on the impact of affectedness-based research methods in the MiddleEast, and their application to work with men and masculinities in the region, is the maincontribution of this article.
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This essay explores some directions for future research of media coverage of malerefugees, particularly from Syria. I link the narration of refugee stories to their mobility, their lossof home, belonging, possessions, people and social networks. However, these stories also entailthe discovery of new territories and locations, of families in transition, of men whose ongoingmobility constantly impacts their ability or inability to take care of their loved ones and thus liveup to the prescribed roles of men in the constructed conservative society from which they came.
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For a consecutive year, the National Trade Union for Higher Education and Science at the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions in Bulgaria presents statistics from public higher education institutions. The article focuses on the widespread inequalities in the pay for teaching and the policies of some employers (rectors), authoritatively maintaining low incomes, regardless of the signals received from the union and the series of recommendations from the Ministry of Education and Science. Through а thorough analysis, the basic requirements for achieving the strategic goals in the sector have been identified on the deepening inequalities in the higher education system. The results presented here are grounds for a change in the current legislation – undoubtedly in support of sustainable development, focused on human capital, and above all the attitude of employers towards young teachers at public higher schools.
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This article theoretically discusses the national identity concept and its relation to the upholding of those distinctive elements that are associated with a country’s or a nation’s past. With a particular focus on the perceptions of British national identity in the 1990s, it presents some views of British academics, political pundits, politicians or journalists of those times regarding the state of the British society caught between the old and the new. The ‘Cool Britannia’ project proposed by the New Labour government aimed to resolve matters largely connected to a declining British society by putting forward a national rebranding plan, with the ultimate intention of modernizing a backward-looking British society at the turn of the century.
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