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Nieustannie poszukuje się nowych rodzajów oddziaływania rehabilitacyjnego, które mobilizowałyby osoby niepełnosprawne do aktywności, zapewniały partnerską współpracę między osobami niepełnosprawnymi a pełnosprawnymi i ułatwiały przez to proces integracji. Dla powodzenia tych działań niezbędne staje się zaangażowanie instytucji państwowych, organizacji pozarządowych, a także podmiotów działających na zasadach komercyjnych. W niniejszej publikacji chcieliśmy określić, jakie systemowe i strukturalne warunki powinny być spełnione m.in. w sferze pracy, edukacji i szerzej w zakresie polityki społecznej, których rezultatem byłoby stworzenie dogodnych warunków dla realizacji celów i osiągania sukcesów życiowych przez osoby niepełnosprawne. Pragnęliśmy pokazać, jak wielki potencjał może być wykorzystany do szeroko rozumianego przeciwdziałania wykluczeniu i marginalizacji społecznej tej kategorii osób. Publikacja pokazuje, jak wielki potencjał może być wykorzystany do szeroko rozumianego przeciwdziałania wykluczeniu i marginalizacji społecznej osób niepełnosprawnych.
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The intention of the book is to present the policy of the United States towards China and ascertain the position of Peking in the American foreign policy between 1911 and 1918. The author considers various aspects of the problem against a background of political changes taking place in both countries and diplomatic struggle in the First World War period. The book is based on unpublished materials from the Library of Congress and the National Archives at College Park, as well as printed sets of documents and vast literature on the subject.
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The Serb National Council (SNC), a national coordination of councils of Serb national minority representatives, is an elected political, advisory and coordination entity that operates as a self-government of Serbs in the Republic of Croatia. The SNC is engaged with the protection and promotion of Serbs’ human, civil and ethnic rights, and issues of their identity, participation and integration into Croatian society.The SNC was founded per the Erdut Agreement and the Letter of the Croatian Government about the completion of peaceful reintegration, which guarantees the Serb minority self-government as well as the right to organise as based upon the centuries old tradition of Serb self-government: from church/popular parliaments, to legislative and political acts which regulated the position of Serbs in the 13th and 14th century, to the documents of the National Antifascist Council. It was established in 1997, in Zagreb, at the initiative of the Alliance of Serb Organisations (SKD Prosvjeta, Serb Democratic Forum, Community of Rijeka and Istria Serbs and Joint Council of Municipalities) and among the founders were also the Idependent Democratic Serb Party (SDSS) , Baranja Democratic Forum, Association of refugee and displaced Serbs, representatives of parts of the Serb Orthodox Church (SPC) church municipalities, members of parliament and prominent individuals.
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“It is not easy to predict the future course of events, which will depend to a large extent on the overall political situation in the USSR” is the cautious evaluation of the confidential expert report for the North Atlantic Council in October 1989. In 1988‒1991, the relationship was fundamentally transformed between the Western alliance system led by the United States and the East European socialist bloc dominated by the Soviet Union. The military, political, cultural, and ideological confrontation – with the weakening of Moscow and the collapse of its empire – was replaced during a few months by a new type of cooperation of the parties separated previously by the Iron Curtain. The eight reports from the NATO Archives (formerly classified confidential), published in the present volume for the first time in English, illuminate the East European events of these four eventful years from the perspective of expert advisors of the alliance. How were these dramatic changes in Eastern Europe perceived and interpreted in Brussels?
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Building Confidence in Peace reports and analyses the results of the firstin a series of public opinion surveys in Cyprus carried out by the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) in collaboration with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot partners. The project, which began in late 2007, gained momentum and significance with the 21 March 2008 peace process launched by the Greek Cypriot President Demetris Christofias and his Turkish Cypriot counterpart Mehmet Ali Talat.Building Confidence in Peace reports and analyses the results of the first public opinion survey in Cyprus carried out by the Centre for European Policy Studies in collaboration with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot partners. In the new atmosphere of relaunched negotiations in 2008, this book investigates what Cypriots think of each other, of the peace process and of possible solutions to the conflict. On the basis of our findings, a double need starkly emerges. First, it is essential to act, in parallel with the negotiating process, to raise public confidence in the peace process, in order to ensure that as and when an agreement is reached, the people will go along with it and make its ratification and implementation a success. Second, precisely because of persistent areas of divergence, a set of confidence-building measures (CBMs) should be envisaged to help narrow the gaps separating the two communities. This does not entail shifting attention from negotiations to CBMs. On the contrary, unilateral CBMs or non-controversial measures oriented towards inter-societal reconciliation may have a very positive impact and add momentum to the peace process within a strategic context of renewed negotiations. It is precisely in this spirit that we note the ongoing efforts to build confidence in parallel with the negotiations, first and foremost with the opening of the Ledra Street/Lokmacı gate crossing on 3 April 2008.
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The increasing tendency to submit questions of great political and constitutional significance to the European Court of Justice prompts the question whether the Court has become the arbiter of all major problems facing the European Union today. In discussing recent trends in case law, Judge Allan Rosas observes that de Toqueville’s description of the importance of the US Supreme Court could apply to today’s European Court of Justice. That said, the Court can only deal with questions that have been specifically submitted to it. In this paper the author refers to the EU’s external relations, asylum and immigration, economic and monetary policy, citizenship, the rule of law in general, and Brexit, as cases that would probably not have come before the Court were it not for the Treaty of Lisbon. Other explanations for the more recent reliance on the Court may be the inability of the political process to resolve the thornier issues facing the EU, and the fact that the Court is considered by many to be one of the more effective EU institutions. Finally, the author stresses the need for the Court to honour its judicial mandate and to do everything it can to preserve its legitimacy, an objective also furthered by the depoliticised appointment of judges through the so-called 255 panel procedure.
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The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), adopted in December 2018 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, expresses the political will of UN member states and relevant stakeholders to foster responsibility sharing for refugees and their host countries. Among GCR key objectives is that ofexpanding mobility and admission channels for people in search of international protection through resettlement and ‘complementary’ pathways of admission. The GCR provides a reference framework to critically assess European Union (EU) policies in relation to two main issues: first, the role and contribution of the EU and its Member States towards the implementation of the GCR in ways that areloyal to the Compact and EU Treaties guiding principles; second, and more specifically, the main gaps and contested issues of existing resettlement and complementary admission instruments for refugeesand would-be refugees implemented at the EU and Member State levels.
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Does the 2009 Stockholm Programme matter? This paper addresses the controversies experienced at EU institutional levels as to ‘who’ should have ownership of the contours of the EU’s policy and legislative multiannual programming in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) in a post-Lisbon Treaty landscape. It examines the struggles around the third multiannual programme on the AFSJ, i.e. the Stockholm Programme, and the dilemmas affecting its implementation. The latest affair to emerge relates to the lack of fulfilment by the European Commission of the commitment to provide a mid-term evaluation of the Stockholm Programme’s implementation by mid-2012, as requested by both the Council and the European Parliament.
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From an examination of the instruments of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and related policy measures regarding border surveillance and migration management, two inter-related issues stand out as particularly sensitive: Access to asylum and responsibility for refugee protection.The prevailing view, supported by UNHCR and others, is that responsibility for the care of asylum seekers and the determination of their claims falls on the state within whose jurisdiction the claim is made. However, the possibility to shift that responsibility to another state through inter-state cooperation or unilateral mechanisms undertaken territorially as well as abroad has been a matter of great interest to EU Member States and institutions. Initiatives adopted so far challenge the prevailing view and have the potential to undermine compliance with international refugee and human rights law.
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Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU’s core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the read mission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU’s long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or ‘incentives’ cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants’ rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to ‘stem’ the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection.
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This paper assesses the Commission’s proposal presented in December 2015 to set up a European Border and Coast Guard (EBCG), based on the responses made by the EU border agency Frontex to the ‘refugee crisis’ that began in 2015 and continues unabated. It explores the extent to which this proposed new body will be capable of remedying the EU’s short comings in meeting established border and asylum standards and related institutional needs on the ground and concludes that it is unlikely to do so. The paper argues that the EBCG proposal does not establish a true European Border and Coast Guard. Instead it would revamp Frontex into a Frontex + Agency. The EBCG would expand the current logic of national border guards to be committed to the Frontex Agency ‘pools’ and therefore does not solve the ‘dependency’ of Frontex on member states. More importantly, the EBCG would do too little to ensure that member states comply with EU border and asylum standards, which has constituted the central deficiency throughout 2015 and earlier.
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This paper deals with loss of citizenship of the European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of an EU member state. Only the nationals of a member state possess European citizenship; the loss of nationality of a member state thus also implies the loss of European citizenship. Member states are in principle autonomous in nationality matters, which means that their rules on loss of nationality, and loss of EU citizenship, differ considerably. But member states must respect international law and the general principles of European law when dealing with loss of nationality. This report aims to provide a comprehensive and systematic comparative analysis of existing regulations and procedures in EU member states with regard to the involuntary loss of nationality.
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Migratory pressure from abroad and populist trends in Europe have already put considerable stress on borderless Europe, despite the open borders being one of its most precious achievements. But what in the past could be seen as annoying yet temporary disturbances attained an entirely different character under the Danish initiative launched in early May 2011. The move to install permanent controls, including customs houses and video surveillance, alarmed not just Brussels but also travelers and business associations EU wide. Even though the new government has since banished the nightmare by repealing the border measures, one should still not sound the ‘all clear’ signal. With populist parties all over Europe, similar scenarios are likely to arise elsewhere.
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This publication is the latest of a series of four publications that present the findings of the research project titled the “Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and Cross-border Cooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Implications and Opportunities”. The research project was implemented by the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Prešov and supported by the Slovak Research and DevelopmentAgency over the period of 2016 ‒ 2019 (project no. APVV-15-0369). This fourth publication presents the results of empirical research focused on perceptions, preferences, motivations and strategies of regional and local actors on both sides of the border. The book entitled Cross-BorderCooperation between Slovakia and Ukraine: Volume IV: Perceptions of Localand Regional Actors, co-authored by Michal Cirner, Martin Lačný, Anna Polačková and Gabriel Székely, consists of two extensive scientific studies.The first one provides interpretation of the empirical research results at the local level, and is divided into nine sub-chapters, focusing on different sets of issues from the structured questionnaire for local CBC actors: migration and social interaction; identifying barriers to interaction and cross-border cooperation; perceptions and ideas about the residents on the other side of the border; evaluation of cross-border cooperation policies; the expected impact of cross-border cooperation; expected impacts of the EU AssociationAgreement with Ukraine. The second study, presenting interpretationof empirical data obtained at regional level, is structured according to thestructure of the questionnaire for regional CBC actors and thus similarly to the study at local level, but includes one extra sub-chapter, tracking a set of questions focused on types and levels of mutual economic interaction. The final part of both studies consists of the interpretation of correlation analysis results and the final commentary in the form of policy considerations.
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Otrzymaliśmy bardzo potrzebną monografię o Rohingya – jednej z najbardziej prześladowanych i umęczonych społeczności na świecie, milionie ludzi bez domów i ziemi, których żaden kraj nie chce przyjąć. Jest to równocześnie uniwersalna opowieść o dwóch „izmach” – kolonializmie i nacjonalizmie – które doprowadziły do obecnej tragedii. Powstawanie granic i narodziny narodów są niezwykle fascynujące, ale bywają też bolesne, pełne nienawiści i przemocy. I świadomość tego jest nam dziś bardzo potrzebna. Nie tylko w Azji.Agnieszka Lichnerowicz Kim są Rohingya? Na to wydawałoby się banalne pytanie nie ma prostej odpowiedzi. W tle jest tragedia miliona ludzi, o których przeszłości świat prawie nic nie wie. Ba, których nazwy nie jesteśmy w stanie dobrze wymówić. O fenomenie „narodu wygnanego” Rohingya pisze w prezentowanej monografii naukowej Michał Lubina, a jest to pierwsze tego typu przedsięwzięcie wydawnicze w Polsce. Autor jak mało kto w Polsce zna Birmę i to od podszewki. Naukowy styl potrafi okrasić anegdotą. Nie boi się stawiać odważnych tez niejako „pod włos” utartym interpretacjom. Otrzymana książka to lektura obowiązkowa dla tych wszystkich, którzy chcą wyjść poza nagłówki gazet i zrozumieć mechanizm jednego z większych exodusów współczesnego świata.Jacek Pawlicki, „Newsweek Polska”W 2017 roku armia birmańska doprowadziła do ucieczki z Birmy ponad 700 tys. muzułmanów Rohingya. W jednej z największych katastrof humanitarnych ostatnich lat doszło do czystki etnicznej, zbrodni przeciw ludzkości, a może nawet do ludobójstwa. Kim są Rohingya, dlaczego wzbudzają taką nienawiść i czemu stali się kolektywnym kozłem ofiarnym? W prezentowanej książce znajdziemy odpowiedzi – pozornie proste, a w istocie niesamowicie złożone – na te i wiele innych zasadniczych pytań związanych z Rohingya. Członkowie tej społeczności są muzułmanami i są prześladowani – to właściwie jedyne dwa fakty niepodlegające dyskusji. Reszta jest przedmiotem zażartych sporów, a ich wynik decyduje o losie ponadmilionowej wspólnoty. Książkę wzbogacają poruszające zdjęcia autorstwa Marcina Zaborowskiego. Ukazują one ludzki wymiar tragedii Rohingya i są ważnym świadectwem dopełniającym chłodną analizę naukową przedstawioną w wywodzie pracy. Dr Michał Lubina – adiunkt w Instytucie Bliskiego i Dalekiego Wschodu na Wydziale Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Autor kilku książek dotyczących Birmy, w tym m.in. Birma (Warszawa 2014), Pani Birmy Aung San Suu Kyi. Biografia polityczna (Warszawa 2015), a także The Moral Democracy. The Political Thought of Aung San Suu Kyi (Warszawa 2019).Patronat medialny: Radio TOK FM
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Seas and deserts are uniting and dividing elements of human life on this planet. The Mediterranean region, North Africa, and the Sahel have witnessed a long history of historical cycles of cooperation and conflict. Since the Arab Spring and the fall of Qaddafi in Libya in 2011, the region has received increasing international attention given the combination of violent conflict and unprecedented migration flows at Europe’s doorstep. This paper aims to analyse the scope and nature of the impact of security challenges in this region upon strategic communications, mainly for NATO and its member states. This study is based on the analysis of global and regional open sources regarding four key issues: terrorism, migration, illicit trafficking, and great power competition. These have been identified as macro areas that affect the entire region and are deeply influenced by information. The conclusions provide succinct recommendations on how to conduct an informed and successful STRATCOM campaign in the region.
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In this report, several of Russia’s strategic military exercises come under the spotlight to explore the messages and implications of these activities. A nation’s military exercises, especially strategic, are a form of important communication to a wide array of audiences including adversaries, allies, partners and the nation’s own population. This type of communication provides a better understanding of the scope and scale of a country’s military capabilities and readiness. It also provides valuable insights into a nation’s interests, operational art and strategic thinking. Military exercises support political, military and geopolitical intents as well as demonstrating capabilities and challenging our ways of thinking beyond the current framework of traditional military ‘modus operandi’.
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This paper focuses on Russia’s strategies in Africa. The first ever Russia-Africa summit, co-hosted in October 2019 by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi in Sochi, was presented by both Russian and international media as a milestone in Russia’s return to the African continent. Leaders and delegations of the vast majority of African states met with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, and other Russian representatives to discuss possible projects of cooperation between their respective countries. The summit ranked among the largest of recent Africa-partner summits (EU-Africa, China-Africa, US-Africa, and Japan-Africa). For example, Russia was able to welcome more state delegations than the US at their summit. The declared initiatives of cooperation appeared impressive, ranging from nuclear energy, oil and gas, to automobile production and financial loans for various fields. This meeting sparked numerous claims by both Western and Russian media that Russia is a key player in the region. There are plans for organizing another summit in 2022.
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This study deals with the growing trend of Russia’s use of historical propaganda to further its foreign policy goals. It contains chapters written by experts in the field in the respective countries of Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Poland. The methodological aspects of the project were discussed in detail during a seminar in Riga on 11 December 2018. It was agreed that, for the integrity of the compendium, at least the central theme should be commonly understood as Jowett and O’Donnell conceptualise it: propaganda is a deliberate and systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist. Its systematic nature requires the longitudinal study of its progress. Because the essence of propaganda is its deliberateness of purpose, considerable investigation is required to find out what this purpose is.
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