Analysis of the conflict arising from the negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina: From a technical to a political-security issue

Author(s): Mateja Mijailović,Nikola Petrović / Language(s): English

The genesis of the conflict between Serbia and Kosovo covers a long period of time in which its escalation was determined by different social contexts. Historically speaking, the current conflict is based on the Constitution of the SFRY from 1974, the NATO bombing of the FRY in the 1990s, the pogrom of the Serbs in 2004. and the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. With the necessary mention of these events, but without delving deeper into their interpretation and significance, this analysis focuses on the period that followed. A period during which the two sides, official Belgrade and Pristina, tried, honestly or not, under the patronage of the West, to overcome their mutual disagreements. This paper considers some of the most important elements of that process, how they unfolded, their consequences and why relations have not yet been normalized and are causing friction in the politically always fragile Western Balkans.

NATOs polar quartet. The US, Canada, Denmark and Norway in the Arctic

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

The Arctic is the part of the world that has been most severely affected by climate change. The Arctic Ocean is heating up, new opportunities for shipping and resource extraction are emerging, and international cooperation in the polar areas is gradually giving way to competition: icebreakers, military infrastructure and submarine patrols are returning to the north. The Arctic has been impacted by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Sweden’s and Finland’s drift towards NATO, as well as China’s aspirations. It is therefore worth taking a closer look at the engagement of the US, Canada, Denmark/Greenland and Norway in the circumpolar area, as they are the only NATO members that are also Arctic Ocean coastal states. The report looks at their activity in this region from the political, economic and military perspectives. The US sees this space proactively, through the prism of its rivalry with Russia and China, while Canada takes an inward view, with a focus on protecting its own sovereignty. Denmark nurtures its union with Greenland, without which it would have no presence in the Arctic. For Norway, the High North is a source of natural resources and the first line of defence against a possible Russian attack.

Drought in the Czech Republic. The political, economic and social consequences

Author(s): Krzysztof Dębiec / Language(s): English

The Czech Republic is an example of a state in which drought has become a key issue in public debate. In the Czech Republic, 2020 was the seventh consecutive year of a drought that is considered the most severe in 500 years, and which differs from the previous ones in that it is more prolonged and is characterised by considerably higher temperatures. At its peak, every fifth municipality was exposed to the risk of water scarcity, which was particularly evident in southern Moravia and in north-western regions. The situation is further complicated by the fact that for many years Prague was focusing on the construction of a flood control system and on the mitigation of the consequences of floods. At present, the Czech Republic has the smallest freshwater resources of all the inland EU member states. Despite a gradual improvement in the situation, recorded since May 2020, the problem involving groundwater scarcity has not been fully eliminated, and experts – taking account of long-term climate change trends and structural problems faced by the Czech agricultural and forestry sectors – are expecting a recurrence of an even more severe drought in a couple of years at the latest. A closer look at the Czech Republic’s struggle with drought may prompt more comprehensive analyses regarding the water management policy pursued in Central Europe, a region which is becoming increasingly affected by recurrent droughts.

Endangered heritage. Polish cultural goods in Ukraine and Belarus

Author(s): Wojciech Konończuk / Language(s): English

As a result of the changes of borders in the 20th century, a large proportion of Poland’s cultural heritage found itself on the territory of present-day Belarus and Ukraine. Over the centuries, many cultural goods were created on the erstwhile eastern territories of Poland which the contemporary Polish state, like the other two countries, considers part of its national heritage. This consists mainly of architectural and artistic monuments, archives, libraries and cemeteries. It is difficult to determine in detail how much of the Polish cultural heritage created before 1945 remained in Belarus and Ukraine, but certainly without it, the history of Polish culture and knowledge about it cannot be complete. In fact, no other countries in the world (except Lithuania) are as important to the Polish cultural heritage as Ukraine and Belarus.This report gives a comprehensive overview of issues related to Polish cultural goods in Belarus and Ukraine. It discusses the significance of the cultural assets located within the territories of these two countries in the context of preserving the heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, while also presenting the state of their preservation and how it is perceived by the respective authorities and societies. The publication also contains an analysis of Poland's activities towards Polish cultural goods in Belarus and Ukraine over the past three decades and a discussion of issues related to cataloguing cultural assets, the extent of financial commitment to their restoration, as well as the organisation of the Polish public institutions responsible for the activity in this field. The final part of the report includes recommendations concerning some possible solutions and potential directions of policy that Poland could try to implement in the subsequent years.

Frustration and hope. Slovakia after Kuciak's murder

Author(s): Jakub Groszkowski,Krzysztof Dębiec / Language(s): English

Slovakia is going through a period of important social and economic changes. The murder of the investigative journalist Ján Kuciak in February 2018 activated a significant part of the public, which led to the largest anti-government protests in the country since 1989. Their immediate result was the resignation of the long-standing social-democratic Prime Minister Robert Fico. The rise in public dissatisfaction at the rule of the elites bore fruit in victory for the political novice Zuzana Čaputová in the presidential elections. However, the public’s dissatisfaction with politics has also been expressed in a rise in popularity for radical forces, including Marian Kotleba, which are working to remove Slovakia from the EU and NATO. The changes on the Slovak political scene will most likely culminate in the parliamentary elections planned for spring 2020, in which the leftist-nationalist ruling camp will face off against the right-liberal opposition and the anti-system radicals. Therefore, although Slovakia is enjoying good economic figures at the moment, it is currently facing the risk of serious political turbulence.

FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY

Author(s): Caroline Timon / Language(s): English

In August 2007, thirteen year after the publication of the last White Paper on Defence, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy set up a Committee whose mission was to draft a new White Paper on Defence and National Security. The goal of such a document is to define the objectives of French defence and security policies for the next years and structure the spending decisions. After a year of consultations the new White Paper on Defence and National Security was finally published on June 17th 2008. In a more unstable and unpredictable world than in 1994, many questions and events have become interlinked and put people in a situation of greater vulnerability while making borders between internal and external challenges fade away. The drastic acceleration of good, services, persons and information exchanges has changed the economic, social and political environment.

EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?

Author(s): Marko Savković / Language(s): English

Since the beginning of the global economic crisis NATO and EU countries have been called to reassess (and significantly cut down) their defence spending. With the public debt and Eurozone crisis, and economic growth projected to stagnate, pressure on decision makers has increased. So far, their first course of action has been to consider layoffs and termination of contracts, programmes and operations, risking credibility of their forces. In this analysis we consider some of the measures implemented so far, and think of possible alternatives.

PrEUgovor – Report on Progress of Serbia in Chapters 23 and 24 (November 2014)

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

Over the past six months, the coalition PrEUgovor has been monitoring the state of play regarding the key policy areas in the process of Serbia’s accession to the EU. These areas include the political criteria and policies covered under chapters 23 and 24 of the European acquis in the negotiation process. The monitored period was marked by two key events: the release of Screening Reports for chapters 23 and 24 by the European Commission, and drafting of the Action Plans for these two chapters. Additionally, the Progress Report for Serbia for 2014 was released by the EC in October, so this report is envisaged as a commentary and an update to this document. This report presents concrete case studies, well researched and documented by the coalition’s members, in order to illustrate problems in the areas covered. Lastly, it also contains comments on the Action Plan draft for chapter 23. Generally, the progress in the areas covered by the PrEUgovor report can best be described as uneven and erratic. When it comes to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo no progress was achieved, mostly due to elections and the inability to form the government in Pristina. Although there was change in legislation regarding civilian oversight of the security sector, the opportunity to systematically regulate this area was missed. The area of the fight against corruption witnessed partial progress with the adoption of new regulations, although the opportunity was missed to fulfil anti-corruption goals to a greater extent. In the area of the protection of women from gender-based violence, protection of children and protection of the victims of violence there was no further progress. In the migration and asylum policy areas no substantial progress was achieved. The same goes for the fight against human trafficking where there still exist numerous obstacles on the path towards full harmonization of domestic legal system with the European standards.

Negotiating position of the Republic of Serbia for Inter-governmental Conference on accession of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union - For Chapter 23 Judiciary and Fundamental Rights

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Republic of Serbia accepts the EU acquis with respect to Chapter 23 Judiciary and Fundamental Rights as it stands on 1 January 2016 and will be in the position to implement it fully by the time it accesses to EU membership. Republic of Serbia will have implemented any outstanding acquis, by the date of accession, subject to the outcome of the negotiations under this chapter. Republic of Serbia stands aware of the financial burden arising from the commitments in this Chapter and is willing to undertake these obligations. Republic of Serbia does not request specific adaptations under this chapter.

Negotiation Position of the Republic of Serbia for Inter-Governmental Conference on accession of the Republic of Serbia to European Union for Chapter 24 – “Justice, Freedom and Security”

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The Republic of Serbia accepts the EU acquis with respect to Chapter 24 Justice, Freedom and Security as it stands on 01. January 2016. and will be in the position to implement it fully by the time it acceeds to the European Union. The Republic of Serbia will have transposed any outstanding acquis, by the date of accession, subject to the outcome of the negotiations under this chapter. The Republic of Serbia does not request derogations or transitional measures under this chapter. The Republic of Serbia does not expect to enter the Schengen area or gain access to the Schengen Information System (SISII) on the date of accession to the European Union.The preparations for joining the Schengen area will start through the adoption and implementation of the National Schengen Action Plan. Serbia recognizes that the EU is strongly committed to the principle of neutrality on the Kosovo*1 status, both in bilateral contacts and in the dialogue on normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina. Having that said, Serbia recognizes that Screening Report has several Recommendations in the area of migrations, external borders and Schengen, Judicial cooperation in civil, commercial and criminal matters, Police cooperation and the fight against organized crime relating to continued normalization of relations with Kosovo* and recognise that those issues are elements of the EU acquis in Chapter 24. Serbia will remain fully committed to the continued normalization of relations with Kosovo* and implementation of all agreements reached in the dialogue, in particular the IBM agreement, including by cooperating with EULEX as appropriate.

EUROPEAN UNION COMMON POSITION - Chapter 24: Justice, freedom and security

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

This position of the European Union is based on its general position for the Accession Conference with Serbia (CONF-RS 1/14), and is subject to the negotiating principles endorsed therein, in particular: any view expressed by either Serbia or the EU on a specific chapter of the negotiations will in no way prejudge the position which may be taken on other chapters; agreements reached in the course of negotiations on specific chapters, even partial ones, may not be considered as final until an overall agreement has been reached for all chapters; as well as to the requirements set out in points 23, 24, 28, 42, 43, 44 and 48 of the Negotiating Framework. The EU encourages Serbia to continue the process of alignment with the acquis and its effective implementation and enforcement, and in general to develop already before accession, policies and instruments as close as possible to those of the European Union. The EU notes that Serbia, in its negotiating position (CONF-RS 3/16) accepts the acquis under chapter 24 as in force on 1 January 2016 and that it will be ready to implement it by the date of its accession to the European Union.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP FOR FREEDOM, JUSTICE AND SECURITY (CHAPTER 24) OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE EU

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Within the corpus of the European Union community law (acquis communautaire), negotiation Chapter 24 covers policies in the field of justice, freedom and security. More specifically, this chapter covers policies that mostly fall within the scope of a country’s internal affairs and on which the security of citizens and their access to justice largely depend. Chapter 24 includes a set of regulations that represent the best European practices and standards in areas such as protection of external borders, police cooperation among the Member States, the regulation of migration, judicial cooperation, the fight against terrorism, and other areas essential for the safety of citizens.

Lessons Learned and Forgotten: How the Western Balkans Experience Could Help Libya

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

With the Arab Spring shaking the Middle East throughout last year, the international community has found itself involved in a transitional spree similar to the one that occurred in Europe during the nineties. Whether the political transition was accompanied by more violence (like Libya) or less violence (like Egypt and Tunisia) or with or without direct engagement by international forces, these countries now face a crucial and sensitive “stabilization phase” that will determine the extent of future progress towards stability and democracy. Humanitarian issues, dysfunctional or inexistent state institutions and rampant economic crisis are the main characteristics of this phase, whose sensitivity lies mostly in its proneness to renewed conflict. One of the most important tools for stabilization of a state is security sector reform (SSR).

TOWARDS MISSION POSSIBLE: Using Serbian Experience To Address Egyptian Civil Society’s Expectations Of Security Sector Reform

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

Serbian Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations: The Untapped Potential

Author(s): Marko Milošević,Bojan Elek / Language(s): English

This policy brief provides an overview of the Serbia’s capacities to participate in civilian peace operations abroad. It analyzes the legislative framework that regulates international cooperation and contribution to peace operations of the Serbian defense forces and, based on interviews with representatives of state institutions, it identifies the key practical challenges these institutions are facing in order to create a more conducive environment for a more proactive civilian contribution. The roles of relevant stakeholders, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as the Serbian Armed Forces and the Police are examined, including an initial overview of the untapped civilian resources from other branches of the Government. In addition to this, potential pools of experts for civilian mission are identified in the civil society sector and among the staff of the international organizations operating in Serbia. The main finding is that there is a vast, untapped potential in Serbia for a more proactive involvement of its civilian capacities1 in missions abroad; yet, the lack of clear foreign policy goals, coupled with the lack of initiative and coordinating efforts on the part of MoFA, impedes their adequate usage. Lastly, recommendations for increasing existing training capacities and establishing two potential rosters of experts are provided.

Macedonia’s preparations for civilian contribution to peace operations - the next big thing after the withdrawal from Afghanistan?

Author(s): Andreja Bogdanovski / Language(s): English

Probably one of the most exploited phrases by politicians from the Western Balkans when talking about issues on defence reform and international security is that the “countries from the region, from peace importers, have become peace exporters”. Over the years Macedonia has established itself as a country where that export product is mainly through military means. This policy paper aims to put the question of civilian contribution to peace operations on the agenda and advocates increased debate among policymakers and officials. It does not, however, undermine nor support a decrease in Macedonia’s military contribution. The main focus of the text is the identification of advantage areas that Macedonia has developed through the years which could be utilised in the civilian capacities (CIVCAP) 2 model. Therefore the paper lists: 1) policing, 2) media, 3) crisis management and power sharing as Macedonia’s ready to be exported products. It also provides an insight into the ongoing legislative and institutional preparations. While legislation for contribution to peace operations by civilian means is largely in place, what seems to be lacking is a strategic turn towards more civilian contribution. This therefore produces many unknowns about civilian participation among policymakers still making it sound very remote

Croatian Civil Capacities for Peace Missions and Operations

Author(s): Gordan Bosanac / Language(s): English

This policy brief provides an overview of the current Croatian policies as well as a legal and institutional framework related to the deployment of civilians in peace mission and operations. It aims to explore the challenges and opportunities for the further development of an existing framework to support the current political interest for civilian capacities that exists in Croatia. Challenges in the mind set of decision and policy makers in understanding Croatia more as a security provider, rather than security receiver and questions to what extent, or how fast, the post-co nflict state may be transformed into an important player in the peace building arena, are discussed. The challenges are analysed through state implementation of international development cooperation as a foreign policy tool.

Bosnia and Herzegovina Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations

Author(s): Emsad Dizdarević / Language(s): English

This paper aims to present current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina related to the civilian capacities1 in the process of building and keeping peace in the world. It will analyse the legislative framework that regulates international cooperation in this regard. Bosnia and Herzegovina already contributes to the peace operations by sending their Military troops in NATO led missions as well as with Police officers in UN led missions. During the last year, Bosnia and Herzegovina has decided to prepare all necessary conditions for sending civilians in missions abroad. In this regard, Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina has established an inter-agency Expert team. This expert team is created with task to create the proposal regarding to the provisions for implementation of the Partnership Goal 3781 between Bosnia and Herzegovina and NATO “Stabilisation and Reconstruction – Interdepartmental Cooperation.” This Partnership Goal implies sending civilians in peace missions abroad. Since political will for this exist, remaining challenges for Bosnia and Herzegovina are the question how to establish the personal database, the procedures necessary to work with database supposedly to track the status of civilians sent to the missions, as well as the staff training and education.

PREUGOVOR ALARM: REPORT ON PROGRESS OF SERBIA IN CHAPTERS 23 AND 24 (March 2019)

Author(s): Authors Various / Language(s): English

This report contains the prEUgovor coalition’s assessment of the political criteria for the EU accession process and the fulfilment of criteria for selected policy areas from Chapters 23 and 24 for the period October 2018 – March 2019. The key finding is that recent developments can hardly be assessed as positive; moreover, it seems that the overall tendencies in the monitored fields show worrying and in some cases alarming signals. The government continued the practice of abuse of public resources during the election periods, while the executive and the ruling majority continuously deprived the Parliament of its legitimate functions. Another worrying fact is the increasing number of laws that are being passed by urgent procedure and in most cases without any public debate. These practices have led to an alarming consequence – namely, the opposition has left the Parliament. Besides the above, the authorities keep undermining the work of independent control institutions by systematically ignoring their recommendations. Once again, we have an atmosphere in which non-governmental organisations are declared enemies and traitors; they are left out of all the dialogues and are not welcome in the solving of social problems. At the same time, the government is creating its own NGOs (GONGOs). Relations with the neighbouring countries have deteriorated, while the people in Serbia are not provided with relevant information about the status of the solution to the issue of Kosovo. Moreover, they are often confused with contradictory statements made by key state officials. Not only is there no progress in the dialogue or bilateral relations, but the current narrative is actually more reminiscent of that which was used in the turbulent decades of the past than the constructive political dialogue of the 21st century. The fight against corruption is at a very low level, threatening to become a mere simulation that is activated only periodically so that the authorities can easily score some cheap political points. Furthermore, there is a real danger that the very same mechanism (Law on Investigation of Property Origin) could be used against the opposition. Also, there are enormous problems with the potential consequences of the proposed constitutional amendments related to the judiciary, as well as a series of laws that are about to enter parliamentary procedure. Generally speaking, the commitments made in the existing Action Plans for Chapters 23 and 24 are fulfilled inconsistently, while the deadlines are postponed on a regular basis. Well-known problems with the non-implementation of the existing acts and laws are still present. Having in mind the fact that two crucial EU issues to be addressed are the Rule of Law and the fight against corruption, lack of concrete results in these two areas is still a major alarming obstacle in Serbia’s process of integration. The majority of the key findings expressed in this report coincide with the lowered ratings that were given to Serbia by various international actors (Freedom House, for instance), thus confirming the alarming developments in the areas covered by Chapters 23 and 24.