From Law to Language Use Practices – A Case Study on Hungarian-Speakers in Austria

Author(s): Hajnalka Berényi-Kiss / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In Austria, there are two substantial Hungarian communities, namely the autochthonous minority of Burgenland and the more recent migrant groups in Vienna. Importantly, the latter have arrived in different waves and from various Hungarian-speaking regions of the Carpathian Basin, which clearly adds to the diversity of the community. In this respect, the Austrian context seems to be quite unique. Both Hungarians in Burgenland and Vienna are formally recognized minorities, yet – due to the fact that Austrian minority rights are not harmonized on various levels – the two groups do not enjoy the same level of protection, which is most dominant with regard to the mother-tongue instruction within the educational system and in the area of official language use. It is also due to these differences that the language use patterns of Hungarian-speakers in Burgenland greatly differ from those living in Vienna. It has further been argued that although the existing regulations of minority language protection in Austria are extensive, their implementation has not been achieved without shortfalls. Therefore, the aim of the present paper is to identify how regulations of minority language rights protection influence actual language use practices reported by the speakers themselves. The case study on the Hungarian-speakers in Austria was conducted within the international and interdisciplinary FP7 project ELDIA (European Language Diversity for All).1 The research, having a special focus on the legislative and institutional framework of language use and language use in practice, has shown that there are clear gaps between legal regulations and actual practices. It will be demonstrated that Hungarian-speakers have relatively little opportunity to use Hungarian in the public domains. The language use patterns reported by the informants show that the use of Hungarian is restricted mainly to the home context. Nevertheless, it will be argued that Hungarian has an exceptionally strong presence within the community for there is a clearly identifiable demand and willingness to use the Hungarian language and to develop it to the speakers’ changing needs.

The Linguistic Rights of the Cham Minority (Albanian) in Greece

Author(s): Hamit Xhaferi,Nerita Xhaferi,GËZIM RREDHI / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Linguistic diversity is a world heritage which needs to be valued and protected. Each linguistic community has the right to use its language as an official language in the community where it lives. The history of the legal rights of the ethnic Albanian minorities in Greece is one form of a flagrant violation of the norms of the rights of the Greek state and also its international rights. The Albanian ethnic minority should have equal rights for education in their native language and to freely practise their religion. In Attica, Beotia, Arta, in the regions of Chameria (Ancient Thesprotia), Preveza, Arta, Ioannina and in the regions of Konitsa, Kastoria and Florina – taking into consideration the number of the population living in various Greek cities –, the number of orthodox Chams (Albanians) exceeds 500 thousand. However, Greece denies their existence in these regions. Arvanites in Greece do not have the right to use the Albanian alphabet (Latin) and they do not have Albanian schools or Albanian books. If Albanian language is spoken, it is spoken only inside the family. The Greek authorities, amongst other things, state that: ‘we don’t see it necessary that Albanians and other minorities should learn their languages, because the languages that they speak are not languages!’ The Albanian language has continuously been despised and ill-treated. The situation with the education in Chameria and in all the regions where Chams live is miserable. In Chameria today, you cannot find a single school in their mother tongue. Greece has always thought that opening new Albanian schools in Chameria will be a big betrayal of the Hellenic state and Christianity. Unlike Albania and Italy, which have opened many schools for the Greek minority in Albania and for the Arbëreshë in Italy, Greece has done the opposite by ending and sanctioning the Cham’s efforts for education in Albanian language.

Assessing Minority Language Rights in Kosovo

Author(s): Andrea Najvirtova,Lars Burema / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Minority language rights are central to minority–majority relations in Kosovo. However, it is an extremely sensitive and complicated issue, considering the recent conflict in 1999 and the continuing tensions between ethnic communities. The paper will provide an overview of Kosovo’s current institutional and legislative framework for the protection and promotion of minority language rights, including an analysis of the historical developments that led to its creation. Subsequently, the paper will examine the situation on the ground and look at how and to what extent this framework is put into practice, focusing on three key areas: the use of language in education, in public and private, and in relation with governmental institutions. Following this analysis, the paper will consider what factors are obstructing or enhancing the enjoyment of minority language rights in Kosovo. In the analysis, the paper will pay particular attention to the discrepancy between the ambitious legislation and the capacities and willingness of Kosovo institutions to ensure its implementation. It will stress that the geographic concentration of minority communities in Kosovo plays an important part in enabling minority communities to function effectively in their native language in the areas where they live. However, outside of these areas, the implementation of language rights put forth by Kosovo’s legal framework is much more limited. Finally, the paper will conclude with recommendations on measures to ensure the effective enjoyment of language rights in Kosovo.

To Be or Not to Be (A Minority)? The Case of the Kashubians in Poland

Author(s): Michael Hornsby,Tomasz Wicherkiewicz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

When Poland signed the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages on 12 February 2009, out of the fifteen languages listed all but one were categorised as minority languages. Kashubian was (apparently) the only regional language. Of course, the original wording of the Charter, when it was first drawn up in 1992, did not specify what the difference between a minority and a regional language actually was (Woerhrling 2005: 54). Thus Poland’s ratification, while totally complying with the Charter’s original wording, is nevertheless controversial in its application of the Charter’s principles. In this paper, we aim at exploring the tensions that have been created by the implementation of the Charter in Poland. The most obvious point of friction concerns the singling out of the Kashubian to the detriment of other less widely-used languages; this will be discussed in the context of one presenter’s expert knowledge and close association with the Charter’s implementation in Poland. Less obvious, but equally important, is the identification of the conflicting language ideologies at play here. If all minority languages in Poland (apart from Kashubian) are located within the confines of a ‘language-and-identity’ ideology, then locating Kashubian within a framework of territoriality (or a ‘language-andterritory’ ideology [Myhill 1999]) is not only bound to lead to a clash of counterproductive ideologies, but it also seems anachronistic at a time in the history of Kashubian when in only three districts of the traditional Kashubian-speaking area (Mordawski 2005: 56; Nestor and Hickey 2009) it is spoken regularly by more than 50% of the population. Given these conditions, we address the question of the effectiveness of such language planning for Kashubian in the final section of our paper.

Language Policies in Central and East European States with Hungarian Minorities: Implications for Linguistic Rights Protection of National Minorities in the EU

Author(s): László Marácz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Due to the peace-treaties of the twentieth century, Hungarian minorities live in seven different Central and East European states, including Slovakia (520,000), Ukraine (200,000), Romania (1,930,000), Serbia (400,000), Croatia (30,000), Slovenia (20,000), and Austria (5,000). In agreement with Central and East European tradition, the most important feature of ethnic identity is the mother tongue. Hence, these states are de facto multilingual states, although not all of them consider themselves de jure as such, but rather as monolingual nation-states. In the latter cases, Hungarian minorities are confronted with a ‘policy of exclusion’, that is discriminating language laws restricting the use of the Hungarian language in the official and public space. This leads to polarised, divided societies along the lines of ethno-linguistic cleavages. This paper compares exclusive and inclusive language policies in multilingual Central and Eastern European states with Hungarian minorities. We will investigate the legal system in these countries concerning the status and use of the languages of national minorities. It will be concluded that the position of the Hungarian language in the countries concerned can be classified into two groups: (1) Serbia, Slovenia, Croatia, and Austria; (2) Slovakia, Romania, and Ukraine. In the first group, the minority language has a legal status equal to the language of the majority and is included into the official domains. This is especially true for Serbia’s Vojvodina region where an official policy supporting multilingual, multicultural society is pursued. In the second group, minority languages are subordinated to the official state language, they are restricted in the official domains, and additional requirements and conditions determine their use. Hence, the second case does not match the EU’s democratic standards whereas the first case respects these standards. This grouping is interesting as all the countries involved are subject to the process of Europeanisation. All seven countries mentioned above are members of the Council of Europe (CoE), they have ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, and foremost, four countries, Austria, Slovenia, Romania, and Slovakia are members of the Union. Two of these countries, Romania and Slovakia are however not in the group where democratic values and standards are satisfactory. Hence it follows that the membership of the Union is not a guarantee for the protection of the linguistic rights of national minorities. Thus, we can observe a discrepancy between the theory of the Union celebrating linguistic diversity and democratic values and the practice in the Member States. It turns out that there are no effective controlling and sanctioning mechanisms in the Union available when the linguistic rights of national minorities are violated and multilingual practice is banned from the public and official space. The state of affairs in the second group is not only violating human rights but it undermines the cohesion of the Union and affects the deepening of conflicts between the states with Hungarian minorities and the kin-state of Hungary (see Brubaker et. al. 2006, Csergő 2007). This implies that we have to reconsider the controlling and sanctioning mechanisms in the legal framework of the Union. An important step forward would be the adoption of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention and the Language Charter as a benchmarking system by the Union, as well as the integration of these into the Union legal system. This would allow sanctions against states violating them.

A History of Collective Minority Rights in the European Historical Context

Author(s): Pieter Van der Plank / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Autonomy was a traditional solution that state and church authorities implemented to solve the problems of ethnic diversity predominantly represented by religious denominations. Although the 17th century Ancien Régimes generally used compulsion and violence to maintain homogeneity among the objects of their sovereignty, in the run of the 18th century, this policy was no longer a guarantee for stability and control. Shifting political boundaries too often brought dissident denominations under the control of states dedicated to other (state) religions. The Age of Enlightenment would no longer accept traditional solutions of converting and expelling minorities, and granted particular privileges, in other words, collective rights, in order to control such minorities by juridical isolation. In the 19th century, collective rights were no longer acceptable in unitary democratic states. Because their citizens emancipated from objects of the sovereign to subjects of the state, they had to become individuals equal in rights and living together under the same laws. In Western Europe, a so-called Kulturkampf (culture struggle) was necessary to secure the predominance of the state over the (Roman Catholic) Church, restricting her jurisdiction. So, the national democratic concept became successful in mononational Western European states. In East-Central Europe, it could not be implemented without a severe threat to the integrity of the multinationally composed states: Russia, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire. Here, national dissident emancipation was fostered by strongholds in religious denominations and organisations. Anyway, the great powers had to cope with growing and centrifugal national separatist movements among their citizens. Each of them tried to solve this problem in different and often reactive and repressive ways, and none of them succeeded. Austria tried in vain to work out compromises between personal, collective, and territorial rights. In this respect, important contributions were made by social democrats (Renner and Bauer) with the aim to reconcile old collective and new individual rights in a territorial solution. But besides an interesting implementation of their ideas in the crown provinces of Moravia and Bucovina, an outspoken nationalism dominated the discourse in other provinces, paralysing any further debate and the development of a tolerant and liberal climate. The collapse of the multinational great powers in WW I gave way to the political reorganisation of Central Europe in some seven new nationstates founded by the Peace-Treaties of Paris on the confusing basic principle of the international law: the Peoples’ Right of Self-determination. Although this right was a collective one, giving a people sovereignty as a nation was implemented in states inhabited not only by such a nation but also by large national dissident minorities, mounting up to thirty million Central Europeans. State citizenship proved to be a weak concept in the new nation-states. They were not able, and most of them also not willing, to work out a compromise between constitutionally guaranteed individual rights of their citizen subjects and the need of collective rights by those citizens belonging to minority groups willing to maintain a social and cultural life of their own. Since then, religious as well as national provisions of minorities have deteriorated under state jurisdiction, becoming play things in the hands of politicians. In the last years before the outbreak of WW II, the Axis Powers in co-operation with the Soviet Union provoked and forced large-scale territorial annexations as a correction upon the peace-treaties, making the fear for irridenti real. Even new national (puppet) states were erected for nations who formerly had not received recognition in the peace-treaties. These territorial solutions could only solve the old minority problems by creating new ones. Ethnic cleansing was carried out to enforce national homogeneity within the new boundaries. Jewish minorities were eliminated by genocide. In German-occupied territories, German-speaking minorities were privileged by a collective status. In agreement with the state authorities of the Axis-confederates, some and in particular also these germanophone minorities got a bi-national status, and finally had to accept German nationality exclusively. These constitutional distortions discredited collective minority status as a solution. After the war, the victorious Allied Powers considered the existence of minorities to have been a war cause in the hands of the Axis Powers and their confederates, and collective minority rights still to be a source of severe international troubles for the future. They not only decided to return to the pre-war state boundaries (with the exception of the annexations by the Soviet Union) but also to accept and even guide massive national cleansing of the population within these boundaries. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights reflects this juridical reenforcement of the individual citizen, but in a new quality: as a sovereign human subject of a state. The date of the proclamation can hardly be coincidental: December 1948, just after three years of the massive and forceful replacing of some twenty million Central Europeans just because of an unwanted ethnic or national identity. Since then, in the Soviet-controlled parts of Europe, minority problems were marginalised in bureaucratic regulation. The socialist peoples’ republics implemented an ideological solution of these problems, making individual rights unnecessary and collective rights unlawful. Only one territorial experiment – the autonomous Szekler region in Romania – had a short and unhappy life. In 1990, a new era would start, giving new perspectives to minority rights within the framework of a European legislature. And, covered by this jurisdiction, national minorities should no longer be a threat to the integrity of a modern European state. Nevertheless, anachronistic reflexes still continue to define and (mis)use their existential need for collective rights as such.

Abstracts

Author(s): / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Rezumate

Author(s): / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

A szerzőkről

Author(s): / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

THE THREAT OF TERRORISM ACTING INSIDE EU BORDERS

Author(s): POPESCU Lara-Teodora / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Until recently, terrorism was one of the most significant issues Europe had to face. Although terrorist acts do not represent an imminent threat to Europeans anymore, they are still a very important international problem that must be eradicated until it escalates again. This paper aims to present, through qualitative analysis, the measures and strategies taken at the European level to combat terrorism, as well as to explain why the eradication of terrorism should still be a priority for international security, despite the recognizable decrease of terrorist activity in Europe in the last few years. Towards the end of the paper, further possible actions for battling this critical threat are suggested, considering and examining the various forms that terrorism has taken over the years.

“LAZARUS” THE NORTH KOREAN HACKER GROUP

Author(s): Attila Gulyás / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is famous for the poverty, destitution and backwardness, however in spite of these negative features it is among the most advanced cyber warfare countries. In the daily news quite often can be read about cyber-attacks against different states, media institutions or banks where the experts assume that the DPRKsupported hacker group the “LAZARUS” is behind the attacks. According to the latest news the group in connection with stealing a big amount of crypto currency and money laundering got into the limelight. The state officially denies the existence of the group however cyber analysts and security experts found direct and circumstantial evidences that prove the connection between the North Korean state and the hacker group.

SECURITY DYNAMIC OF THE STRATEGIC NUCLEAR BALANCE IN SYSTEMS THEORY AND THE CONCEPT OF CENTRES OF GRAVITY

Author(s): Mario MARINOV,Plamen Nikolov Bogdanov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The general concepts and understandings of the international security environment in the 21st century have become more complex owing to a multitude of factors spanning both traditional and novel security domains. In the current era, nuclear security in particular has continued to exist in its paramount role of importance. The following paper explores the defined state of the “strategic nuclear balance” as a state extant within the systemic approach towards international security. Based upon previous research in defining the state through core concepts fundamental to systems theory and supporting concepts such as those of centres of gravity, this paper aims to further expand contemporary understandings and illustrate a point of coalescence. Thereby the given study demonstrates how based upon key postulations in the understanding of the security concept in systems theory and centres of gravity of both physical and non-physical nature within a system, a combined novel model can be extrapolated, which demonstrates the security dynamic in the “strategic nuclear balance” between major global nuclear armed state actors.

THE SUBTLETY OF COMIC REGISTER IN PERSUASIVE COMMUNICATION

Author(s): Mirela Ioniță,Veronica PĂSTAE / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Humour is a discursive strategy with huge persuasive potential, which values the interlocutor. The use of comic register is not only proof of the communicator's intelligence but also a form of interlocutor consideration, who is credited from the beginning with a sense of humour. Using comicality in persuasive communication is an option as tempting as it is risky because not everyone tastes the same kind of humour. In this article, we shall try to reveal the specifics of the comic register in discursive strategies and propose a humour typology, based on five relevant criteria: thematic, attitudinal, intentional, axiological and narrative, starting from the attributes that accompany the noun "humour" in various communication situations.

POLAND-LITHUANIA BINOMINAL AND THE EVOLUTION PROSPECTS OF THE LUBLIN TRIANGLE

Author(s): Andreea-Amalia STANICA / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the context of the annexation of Crimea, the need to counterbalance the political influence of the Russian Federation in the extreme central-eastern region, severely affected by the manipulation of the euroatlantic base by the Soviet reminiscences, Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine laid the foundations of a military brigade and the Lublin Triangle. The strategic importance of cooperation formats is gaining new value in the context of the current aggression by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. The Lublin Triangle is based on historical congruences, in the first part of the research being studied this dimension, namely the Polish-Lituanian relations and the way in which the regional binomial evolved in order to form the current cooperation platform. Subsequently, taking into account the presentation of the foundations that led to the development of the trilateral, the study will focus on analyzing the cooperation format "Lublin Triangle" from 2020 to the present, respectively the evolutionary perspectives of the partnership in the current geopolitical context. Also, in order to achieve a comprehensive approach, the emphasis will be on the trajectory of the common military formation and its role in consolidating the eastern flank. An important role in the research will be played by the quantitative and qualitative methodology, intertwined, for a better understanding of the subject under study.

THE GROWTH OF ALERT CAPACITIES FOR TERRORIST RISKS

Author(s): Ciprian Chițac / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The problem of terrorism has become during the last few years a hot topic for military and governmental institutions involved with managing the security of civil society and not only. The latest events have emphasized the necessity of knowing the modes of action of terrorist attacks. Each of these incidents had as an effect the change of laws and regulations and the implementation of new sets of measures for preventing and countering this phenomenon. At the same time, each incident has allowed states to evaluate again the necessity of establishing, equipping and training specialized structures for intervention in these cases. All of these events have determined the publication of studies which would lead to a better understanding of problems and to the establishment of efficient measures for combating and countering this reality we are facing nowadays. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the importance of alert capabilities for terrorist risks. Hence, in the first paper of the paper we will analyze the notion of terrorism, we will call to attention structures with a role in countering terrorism and we will present one identified means of fighting against terrorist risks and the importance of mass media in accomplishing this fight. Also, we will underline the necessity of creating a specialized structure for fighting this phenomenon, as well as the necessity of the capabilities which are at our disposal and of the present legislation.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN THE MILITARY ENGINEERING STRUCTURES IN THE ROMANIAN ARMY COMMANDS, WITH THOSE IN THE NATO COMMANDS OR WITHIN THE ARMIES OF SOME NATO MEMBER STATES

Author(s): Cristian Gabriel Cîrjău / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

After joining the North Atlantic Alliance, the Romanian Army began a process of doctrinal alignment, followed by the reorganization of command-control and force structures. By default, the military engineering staff structures were transformed. As I consider that these staff structures have not been adequately reorganized, I set out to make a comparative analysis of them with the military engineering structures in the organization of the commands of armies belonging to NATO member states and with those within NATO commands, at strategic, operational and tactical levels. Subsequently, I will use the data of the analysis, corroborated with other conclusions resulting from previous research, to propose to the military leadership factors the reorganization of the military engineering command structures. We believe that after a new reorganization, these military engineering structures in the composition of our commands must be able to ensure, on the one hand, the correspondence of duties with those of similar structures within the Alliance's commands and, on the other hand, the possibility of exercising on behalf of the commander, command and control over all capabilities.

IMPLICATION OF IMPLEMENTATION OF ”SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS” ON ENVIRONMENTAL SECURITY IN ROMANIA

Author(s): Nicușor Cojan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Climate change is affecting the environment and humanity globally by increasing the average surface temperature, extreme weather events, changing rainfall patterns, rising sea levels and acidification of the oceans. Climate change is now having an impact on all countries on every continent, disrupting national economies and people's livelihoods as resources, food and water become scarcer. To address these risks and threats to security and even the existence of life, in 2015, the United Nations General Assembly (UN) in New York adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This document aims, through its 17 objectives, a better future for humanity, in response to the identified threats, being structured on three pillars of sustainable development – economic, social and environmental. The 2030 Agenda was adopted and subsequently implemented by the European Union, through the Communication "Next Steps for a Sustainable European Future" of November 22, 2016, and by Romania, through the "National Strategy for the Sustainable Development of Romania 2030" of November 9, 2018.

PERSPECTIVES ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF NATIONAL MILITARY STRUCTURES SO AS TO ADAPT TO THE ALLIED CONTEXT

Author(s): Niculai-Tudorel LEHACI / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The complexity of the security situation at international and especially regional level, generated by Russia's aggression against Ukraine, accentuates the need to develop and strengthen the North Atlantic Alliance's collective deterrence and defence posture. The collective defence system is and will remain an effective element in geopolitical equations, especially in the current context, when the threat spectrum is unprecedentedly diverse, and the system is NATO's main objective. Against the backdrop of these challenges, following the financial crisis and in particular since 2014, with the NATO Summit in the UK (4-5 September 2014), there has been a demand at Allied level for a robust set of defence capabilities capable of responding effectively to the full spectrum of threats and supporting NATO's political and strategic objectives in the coming phases. Initiatives such as the 'Defence Capability Building', the 'Interoperability Platform' or the 'ConnectedForces Initiative', together with the gradual increase of defence budgets to reach the 2% of GDP target, have been aspirations adopted by Member States and largely imposed at national level. Subsequent Summits since 2014 have made significant progress in strengthening NATO capabilities and adapting the Alliance to the current geopolitical reality. Therefore, as the types of threats confronted seem to evolve and acquire increasingly diverse features, states and their instruments, in turn, must undergo a process of transformation and adaptation, both individually, at state level, and in the allied context. Transformation is a constant challenge and requirement for the Alliance and its members, which will have to be faced continuously.

SNAKE ISLAND – BLACK SEA STRATEGIC AREA

Author(s): Lavinia Elena Tănase (Măxineanu),Roxana MANEA (ALEXANDRU) / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this article, we will analyze the strategic importance of the Snake Island for the entire Black Sea area and even the European and NATO countries, which are non-riparian states. Utilizing historical analysis as a research method, we will objectively state the importance of the island throughout history while also pointing out some contemporary elements. In addition, we will focus on the political, military, and economic factors that motivated Russian forces' decision to launch an attack on the first day that hostilities broke out between Ukraine and Russia. For this reason, after Ukraine had already lost both control of the Crimean Peninsula and free access to the Azov Sea, the seizure of Snake Island by Russian forces was most likely planned well in advance, as a tactical operation with strategic implications, for the purpose of cutting off Ukraine’s maritime routes and denying access to all of its sea lines of communication. Another factor of great importance is the island's location, which presents the possibility of basing military assets on the island in order to conduct intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) operations and even pose a threat on the eastern frontier of NATO with the probable deployment of mobile multi-layered missile systems.

TARGETING IMPLICATION IN A JOINT FORCE OPERATION FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE

Author(s): Adrian Mirea / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this paper, I wanted to highlight the importance of the targeting process in planning and conducting an eventual joint force operation for the purpose of armed national defense. Even though Romania is an active member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), for national defense purposes Romanian armed forces must be capable to plan and conduct operations with existent armed structures until allied forces would intervene in case of an armed aggression under Article 5 specifications. Having participated with forces and structures in various multinational operations and exercises alongside current national contributions underNATO partnership, Romanian armed forces continuously improve their level of training and over time implemented in our standing doctrines and field manuals many of our partner’s procedures. One such procedure is the target management process. National joint force headquarters including those functioning at component and division levels should permanently consider, plan and conduct target management training for responsible personnel, especially with those working in information and operation modules, as they will be part of targeting working committees, groups or cells that activate at their respective structures both in peacetime or combat operations. One other significant factor influencing the target management process in a national defense operation is the application of Laws of Armed Conflict and rules of engagement in an eventual armed aggression.