A kereszténydemokrácia történetéhez Magyarországon

Author(s): Jenő Gergely / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Talleyrand és a francia katolikus egyház a régi rendszer idején és a forradalom első évében

Author(s): Péter Hahner / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

A feketékről alkotott sztereotípiák a 19. századi magyar emigránsok és utazók írásaiban

Author(s): Ildikó Pordán / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Floridától a Monroe-elvig

Author(s): Viktória Semsey / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

A sportos katonatiszt

Author(s): Sándor Szakály / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Tisza István és a dualizmus

Author(s): László Tőkéczki / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Milan Hodža

Author(s): Iván Halász / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Dr. Milan Hodža (1878–1944) was the first prime minister of Czechoslovakia with Slovak origin (1935–1938), but he was active in the public life from the end of 19th century. Before the first world war he was the member of Hungarian parliament and the unofficial advisor of the Franz Ferdinand (Belveder Circle). Hodža this time established the Slovak agrarian democratic political movement and after 1919 he was the deputy president of the Czechoslovak Agrarian Party, which was the most important civic party in the interwar period. Hodža always supported the idea of the cooperation of the Central European countries. Especially important was this idea for him during his emigration under second world war. Hodža did not agree with the pro-Soviet orientation of emigrant president Edvard Beneš and they had many conflicts. Beneš was the winner of this struggle and Hodža emigrated to USA. There he wrote the main publication of his life – the concept of the fedaration in the Central Europe.

Antoni Purtal (1895–1943). Karty z życiorysu

Author(s): Leszek Olejnik / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Завод за принудно васпитање омладине у Смедеревској Паланци: старе контроверзе и нова тумачења

Author(s): Aleksandar Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Functioning of the Institute for Compulsory Education in Smederevska Palanka has been a source of controversies in Yugoslav and Serbian historiographies for decades. Most frequently, it was analyzed through the ideological prism. For some it was a concentration camp and a torture chamber, for others a „peace oasis“ and a „college for communists“. Not only ideological, but also utilitarian motives of witnesses and authors who have been writing about the Institute, contributed to tendentious interpretations. This institution, probably best described as „reformatory“ by the British Foreign Office, was integral part of the concept of education in „national spirit“ that was implemented by the collaborationist Ministry of Education. The leader of the Zbor movement, Dimitrije Ljotić, significantly contributed to its founding. During the two years of the Institute's operation, some 1,200 young communists passed through it. Their stay in the Institute was marked by hard material and life conditions, but they enjoyed regular general and professional instruction, and could take part in a number of free-time activities of entertaining, artistic and sporting character. The idea of stay of young communists in the Institute was not psycho-physical torture, but rather their ideological „conversion“ in harmony with national-conservative ideas the Nedić regime cherished of the „de-nationalized“ and „misled“ youth and intelligentsia. Apart from the regular political instruction, special lectures were held by members of the Zbor, by collaborationist dignitaries, but also by a number of a-political experts from various fields. After the failed rebellion at the Institute in mid-April 1943 security and disciplinary measures were tightened and the culprits were turned over to the Special Police and shot after investigation at the shooting-range in Jajinci. During the two years of the Institute's functioning a large number of inmates was set free as „successfully re-educated“, and several dozens of cases of former inmates asking the Ministry of Education to be readmitted to the Institute were recorded. The institution's functioning was ended amid the action for liberation of Serbia. The Institute was officially disbanded in September 1944 and its Head Master joined the chetniks of Draža Mihailović with whom he found his death. Among the more prominent inmates were the famous movie director Mladomir Puriša Đorđević, writers and journalists Milutin Doroslovac (Milo Dor), Slobodan Marković (Libero Markoni) and Branko V. Radičević, as well as the judge of the Supreme Court of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Tiosav Velimirović.

Узроци и разлози преврата у Русији 1917. године у српској црквеној публицистици 20-их година 20. века

Author(s): Radovan Pilipović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper deals with the part of the ideological world of Russian emigrants, primarily priests and theologians, who wrote on the pages of the Serbian church press of the 1920s about the reasons and causes of the coup in Russia in 1917. The approach from the standpoint of providentialism, which was traditional for Christian church in explaining the historical processes, dominated; at the same time, apocalyptic–symbolic–esoteric tones prevailed as they were intensified by the real difficulties of refugee life. When Russian emigrants tried to study the mystery of success of the October revolution, they used the Serbian church periodical press to show their anti-Semitic moods, criticism of communism from the Christian position and fear of the Bolshevism.

Велики и мали. Деловање Хрватске странке права у Руској царевини до Октобарске револуције

Author(s): Goran Miloradović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the activities of the members of the Croatian Party of Rights in Russia from mid-19th century till the 1917 October Revolution. Conflict between the Serbian and Croatian program for formation of nation states was related to the aspirations of the Russian and Austrian empire to take part in the division of the Ottoman heritage in the Balkans. In such context, representatives of the Party of Rights sought to create a political base in Russia for the realization of the main goal of their program: the creation of the Croatian state in the maximum extent – within or outside the Habsburg monarchy. There was a consensus on the basic elements of Croatian national interests between the National Party of J. J. Strossmayer and the Party of Rights of A. Starčević, who cooperated. After E. Kvaternik’s failure to find support in Russia for the program of the Party of Rights, Krunoslav Heruc, very capable advocate and organizer and also a member of the Party of Rights, went to St. Petersburg. In the period from 1885 to 1917, he used the Slavophil ideology to form a number of interconnected associations which influenced various Russian institutions. He wrote for a number of newspapers and magazines in Croatia and Russia, and published a number of publications promoting the ideology of A. Starčević. During the World War I, he joined a group of associates of different nationalities with whom he fought against the policy of the Serbian government and interfered with the formation of volunteer corps in Russia. The success of his actions was partly due to distress in Serbian institutions and demoralization of the Serbian elite after the military defeat and occupation of Serbia in 1915, as well as the lack of understanding of official Russian circles of international relations in the Balkans. Struggle between the Serbian and Croatian politics in Russia was ended with the revolutions in 1917 that have paralyzed the Russian institutions, and then launched a civil war. In such circumstances, the orientation of the Yugoslav program was the only way out for the two opposing sides.

Музеји, споменици, идентитети и традиције у Топличком крају у 20. веку

Author(s): Gordana Krivokapić Jović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

У чланку се анализирају шири и ужи историјски токови и догађања који су били основа за мапирање пејзажа сећања и изградњу историјске културе Топличког краја и који су учествовали у обликовању јединствене традиције ослободилачких ратова. Представљени су споменици јунацима из ослободилачких ратова 1912–1918, борцима из Народноослободилачког рата и револуције 1941–1945. и споменик Зорану Ђинђићу, као одређени изрази идејних и политичких система, онако како данас постоје и шта данас представљају. Дат је и аналитички приказ унутрашњег садржаја и спољашњег положаја изложбе о Народноослободилачком рату 1941–1945, која се налази у Народном музеју Топлице у Прокупљу.

Идеологија и урбани простор: преименовање градова и улица у Србији 1944–1950.

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper, through the process of renaming urban toponymy, analyzes the impact of the ruling ideology in shaping the urban space in Serbia in the first years after the World War II. The renaming of old, bourgeois urban toponymy and the construction of new, communist one was carried out systematically and gradually, just as the new Yugoslav state and society was being built. The revolutionary government was aware of the symbolic radiation offered by urban area. Therefore, it was trying by renaming to adapt it to the symbols of the new Yugoslav state and provide another way for spatial and collective expression of the identity of the society. When renaming towns and streets, two main types of intervention were carried out. The first is related to the maintenance or restoring old names, and the other on the renaming of existing towns and streets. The government comprehended this kind of intervention in the urban space very seriously. This means that it legally regulated it and provided to a number of factors (the city government, the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Education, as well as the Communist Party) to participate and monitor the process of renaming. The government did not conduct extensive intervention in the renaming of cities and did not have that intention, because the old names, some of the ancient and medieval period or somewhat later time, were not in contradiction with the newly established value standards. It completely changed the names of only those cities that, in its opinion, had the dubious symbolic value, such as those containing monarchist words (Kraljevo or Caribrod) or they were ideologically problematic (Petrograd) and wanted to highlight the importance of some individuals of the Socialist Movement (S. Markovic and J. B. Tito). The renaming of streets was much more radical and expansive. It was carried out systematically and gradually. First they changed the names of streets in the city centres, then in the wider center, and then those on the periphery. New name of the street depended on its importance. The most important figures, events and concepts of the new Yugoslav state were given the most important streets. Instead of the various layers of civil street toponymy, the new layers of Communist street toponymy were created. These new layers symbolized the Yugoslav and international socialist and communist movement, the National Liberation War and revolution, Slavic rapprochement and the like. The names of streets that did not collide with just the aforementioned ideological values were not changed. The renaming of the streets up to 1948 had a striking ideological and political content and intention to break with inherited civil toponymy. After 1948, in particular after 1950, the need prevailed to regulate the parts in an urban area and to enable faster and easier their communication networking. Moreover, these are the streets that were on the outskirts of the city, and often did not have official names. With the renaming, an entirely new meaning to the urban area was establishing, and with a new meaning new symbols of representation of society and its values.

Делег итимация правящего режима в Королевстве Югославия как внутриполитическая предпосылка революции (1930-е – начало 1940-х гг .).

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

Догађаји у Србији 1941–45. године – окупација, грађански рат и „револуција”, ослобођење и установљење нове комунистичке власти – у значајној мери су били одређени садејством многих спољних фактора. Унутрашње претпоставке за смену ауторитарног монархистичког режима тоталитарним комунистичким биле су у постепеном слабљењу положаја владајуће елите. У условима кризе шестојануарске диктатуре једини фактор стабилности постао је ауторитет краљаслободиоца-ујединитеља. До октобра 1934. он је успевао да угуши центрифугалне тенденције и гарантује целовитост државе. Даљи ток догађаја потврдио је оштроумност опажања савременика: „Ако је икада и постојао пример да нераскидивост ланца зависи од једног јединог звука, то је онда случај Југославије и њеног краља”. Крајем 30-их и почетком 40-их слабост регентства – које је зависило од присталица „племенског” партикуларизма, који је био лишен подршке оних који су били за јачање централне власти – унапред је одредила незаштићеност српских интереса. Као резултат тога, у ситуацији приближавања рата, делегитимација традиционалне политичке класе пружила је у Србији, као и у Русији 1917, добру подлогу за уздизање некада малобројних и маргиналних партија чије су пароле биле „општа једнакост”, „правда и прерасподела”, „интернационална солидардност”, „борба са антинародним режимом” и др.

Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.

Author(s): Jovan Mirković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The newly-proclaimed Croatian state in April 1941 was based on the ideology of the Ustasha movement that was founded on racist and extremely nationalist policy with the aim of creating a “purely Croatian living-space” that would make possible the existence of the “pure Croatian nation”. The precondition for such tendencies was physical extermination of the Serbs and the Jews who were declared the “greatest enemies of the Croatian people” for whom “there was no place in Croatia”. They were joined by the Gypsies, as a non-Aryan inferior race. In order to achieve these goals “internal purification” was also needed, i.e. it was also necessary to destroy all those Croat and Muslim elements designated as traitors due to their “un-Croatian behavior” who were perceived as “a blemish on the body of the pure Croatian nation”. The reaction to the entry of German troops into Zagreb and the enthusiastic greeting with which they met, show that at the time of the aggression of the Fascist powers on Yugoslavia the ideology of the Ustasha movement was in keeping with prevailing ideological and religious attitude of large part of the Croatian people. The goals, the way of organizing and performing the activities of the Ustasha organization prove its terrorist character. Crimes against the Serbian population (as the factor of disturbance) and against the Jews and the Gypsies (as non-Aryans) were committed not because these weren’t loyal to the new government and because of the stability of the new state, but because of the ideological bases on which that state was build. This was shown by public statements and the propaganda activities of the exponents of this ideology (the Ustasha) and by the government through legislation, as well as by actions of all state organs – the police, the military, the judiciary, the administration – primarily through physical destruction of groups or through creation of conditions condemning a group to biological destruction. This is particularly visible from the analysis of the chronology of crimes committed during the first days of the existence of the ISC, that is in a period when there was no organized resistance as well as by the analysis of statistical data of the name-census of the war victims that has been revised so far. From the analysis of the statistical data and categories of the name census of the victims it is evident that the Independent State of Croatia ever since its proclamation and throughout the war committed systematic crime of genocide with the intention of destroying some ethnic, national and religious groups – Orthodox Serbs, the Jews and the Gypsies – which is particularly visible in the analysis of the 1941 data. Genocidal character of the crimes during the first days of the ISC’s existence can be observed on examples of mass liquidations in which political or military capability of a group to oppose the regime played no role whatsoever. On the contrary, mass liquidations of the whole population took place – of men, women, children and the aged. Exactly the analysis of the manifest intent and actions in 1941 show that the crime , the most severe form of crimes against humanity – the genocide (as defined afterwards) was in-built in the very foundations of the newly-founded state and its ideological basis.

Идеолошка начела просветне политике владе Милана Недића

Author(s): Ljubinka Škodrić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Educational institutions resumed operating soon after the beginning of the occupation, but they had to adjust their work and curricula to the demands of the occupiers, but also to the endeavors of the collaborationists to establish good relations with German authorities and to promote their own political views. The occupation was to be used for achieving special goals and for social reorganization and reformation. The revision of the system of values and the reform of education proposed by the collaborationists were ideologically based on organic philosophy. Their main demands concerned rejection of foreign influences, anti-communism, absolutization of the State and common goals at the expense of personal freedoms and rights, subjugation of the individual to the interests of the community, renewal of patriarchal values, customs, traditions and nationalism. Focus on the practical side of education was leading toward creation of school that would provide specific and practical knowledge, depriving the students of culture and wide knowledge received from general education. Justified criticism of pre-war education policy carried with it a desire to subject the education to control and adapt it to the ideological needs, in order to generate support of the population and adapt to the needs of occupier.

Jugoslovenska posleratna emigracija i Josip Broz Tito. Naša reč o sukobu sa IB-om 1948-1949.

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In numerous and variegated circles of the post-war Yugoslav emigration the union „Liberation" and its mouthpiece Naša reč were recognizable for their consequential Yugoslavism and democratism which included decisive opposition to building fronts exclusively on anti-communism, without championing democratic changes. For the same reason they also refused cooperation with all right-wing forces, remnants of fascist groups who used the idea of unified anti-communist forces in order to try to avoid responsibility for the support they lent to nazism and fascism during the war. The attitude towards communism and the communist regime in Yugoslavia was shaped at the time of the incipient conflict of the Yugoslav communist party and the state with the Informbuereau, the Soviet Union and with Stalin personally. Not knowing the real causes of the conflict and not knowing how deep the consequences of the rifts opened in the hitherto strictly controlled communist system could be, the „Liberation" and Naša reč considered its outcome important for communist parties and regimes of the countries of „people's democracy" but not for the „enslaved" peoples in them who could find salvation from communist rule only in a democratic system. Therefore western countries were not expected to help Josip Broz Tito, the first man of the Yugoslav party and the state to resist Stalin more easily, but to lend support to democratic emigration and adherents of democracy in the country. The adopted views didn’t remain unchanged, chained by ideological exclusivism and intolerance. Events, time and witnessing the end of certain historical processes caused many previous opinions to be subject to subsequent analysis. Views on Tito and his role changed too. From initial total condemnation and harsh moral judgement, by the end of his life one came to recognize the contribution that he and the party he headed, gave first during the anti-fascist struggle and then in opposing the intentions of the Informbuereau and Stalin. Still, as the most important was seen the fact that he „had built himself in" the whole post-war regime, so that his period in power can be called „Tito’s personal era".

Otvaranje i popularizacija: Muzej 25. maj i transformacija prostora Dedinja

Author(s): Aleksandar Ignjatović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Museum of May 25 was erected at Dedinje in 1962 and it was the first public building in this, until then exclusive Belgrade neighborhood. As the center of the ritualization of the Day of Youth and spacing of the ideology of the Yugoslav socialism, the museum was just a part of an ambitiously designed whole. In ideological and performing cooperation with the Stadium of the Yugoslav People’s Army nearby, surrounding parks and free space, as well as with the residential complex where Josip Broz Tito lived, the Museum of May 25 was an extremely functional narrative of the new ideological matrix in the old area of Dedinje and Topčider marked by the removed seat of the ruler. However, despite the multiple connections to the traditional pattern of representing political power - concerning the topos, architecture and iconography – the Museum of May 25 re-marked the Dedinje and Topčider area and partly democratized them for the first time in history. After Tito’s death the process of opening and popularization of this area started losing its importance. However, during the last two decades, the new political and ideological context brought about not only the change of the name, the purpose and the importance of the museum compound, but also triggered off a reversible process of repeated closing and fencing-off of Dedinje. The area preserved and fortified the meaning of a removed ruler’s center and of representation of power, but notits populist and democratic character.

Osavremenjivanje mita maršala Tita: Digitalne sadašnjosti poništenih prošlosti

Author(s): Martin Pogačar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Postsocialist realities are shaped by the digital communication technologies in side the framework of the digital media ecology (DME). Changes in understanding of the past preservation, archivation, reinvention and reinterpretation are induced by the development of technology in the media sphere. DME provides space and tools for re-emergence of history through individual storytelling. Digital display of the Yugoslav past finds its on-line manifestations in numerous exhibiting stiles, genres, strategies, connecting encyclopedic entries, blogs, personal web pages, audio and visual recordings, social networks, online museums. One of the most intriguing subjects, which is continuously repeating in post-Yugoslav past relationships is the most prominent icon of socialism – Josip Broz Tito. The article analyzes two cases of dealing with Tito’s heritage in the Digital Media Ecology: video „Jugoslavijo" posted at YouTube and internet page www.tito-bihac.org. Different audio/visual contents are combined in a specific Digital Media Objects, which are creating new personal and consequently collective visions of the past Analizing the capacities of digital presentation of the past as the space for social and/or political activity, the author states that digital media practices have a deeper meaning that surpasess a mear nostalgia, reinvention of the past, or a simple joke. Furthermore, in DME shared creativity together with the interpretations of the past can provide wider framework on the usage of the Yugoslav history.

Titov kult u Jugoslovenskoj narodnoj armiji

Author(s): Mihajlo Basara / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper discusses the ideological obstacles to the research of Tito's era, characteristics of the cult in the self-managing socialism and its special features in the Army, as well as characteristics and manifestations in the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA). The author concludes that Tito's course towards liberalization of socialism in the form of self-management, as well as the results achieved in the modernization of the country, reduced the leeway for a broader use of the cult as an ideological instrument, especially in comparison with the countries of the former Eastern Block. Simultaneously with that, the historical science was rearranged and Tito became the creator of the theory and practice of socialism in Yugoslavia. With the YPA personnel loyalty was secured through selection (participation in WWW, social background, ideological background of parents), Party control and planned and systematic indoctrination. Having been coupled with the process of training, including the Army into peacekeeping operations and military-industrial activities and also having been to a larger degree under the influence of self-management due to the concept of General People's Defense, the cult in YPA hadn't the typical traits of a rigid personality cult. The break-up of Yugoslavia proved that Tito's cult wasn't of long duration. It was replaced by the cult of the nation and its new leaders.