Guerra e società nel Mar Nero: il confronto tra genovesi e veneziani

Author(s): Sandra Origone / Language(s): Italian Publication Year: 0

Цар Симеон Велики: от „варварската“ държава до християнското царство

Author(s): Ivan Bozhilov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Втората българска столица Преслав

Author(s): Stancho Vaklinov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

„Великият между царете“. Изграждане и утвърждаване на българската царска институция през управлението на Симеон I

Author(s): Angel Nikolov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Световната история в пропагандната политика на цар Симеон Велики и развитието на българската хронография

Author(s): Miliyana Kaymakamova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Образът на цар Симеон във византийската книжнина

Author(s): Petar Angelov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

U podrumu pod bombama

Author(s): Vjekoslav Perica / Language(s): Serbian

Nema razlike između onih žena, djece i staraca koji su pod bombama i granatama živjeli u podrumima Vukovara 1991, u Sarajevu 1992-94, Beogradu 1999, Bagdadu 2003 – i ovih sada u Kijevu, Harkovu i drugim gradovima Ukrajine. Istu patnju ljudi koje je takva sudbina snašla dijele, i istu ulogu nevine žrtve, objekta iživljavanja onih neljudi koji ih bombardiraju, tkogod da su ti i bez obzira s kojim motivima takve patnje bližnjima izazivali. Za vrijeme Nato bombardiranja Beograda 1999. napisao sam u pismu direktoru vašingtonske Carnegie zaklade za svjetski mir: „Kad ste već propustili bombardirati bombardere Vukovara, Dubrovnika i Zadra 1991. i Sarajeva 1992-94. i drugih bosanskih i hercegovačkih i kosovskih gradova i sela kroz balkanske ratove devedesetih, ne vidim što ćete postići time što ste u podrume i skloništa natjerali poslije toga srbijanske civile, žene, djecu i starce Beograda, Novog Sada i drugih gradova Srbije?“

Da li je moguće izbeći rat u Evropi

Author(s): Timothy Garton Ash / Language(s): Serbian

„Mislim da će Putin investirati Kijev“, rekao mi je jedan Nato general. Na trenutak sam pomislio da sam ga pogrešno čuo, a onda sam shvatio da koristi ovu reč u starom vojničkom žargonu za opkoljavanje grada bez okupacije. Ta jedna reč pokazuje koliko smo nazadovali u Evropi tokom poslednjih 15 godina: od sveta u kom investirati znači ulagati novac u nešto, do sveta u kom investirati znači opsedati ga vojskom.

Krimski transfer

Author(s): Mark Kramer / Language(s): Serbian

Krim je bio sastavni deo Rusije od 1783, kada ga je caristička imperija anektirala deceniju posle pobede nad Otomanima u borbi kod Kozludže – do 1954. kada je sovjetska vlada izdvojila poluostrvo iz Ruske Sovjetske Federacije Socijalističkih Republika (RSFSR) i predala ga Ukrajinskoj Sovjetskoj Socijalističkoj Republici. Vest o transferu prenela je sovjetska štampa krajem februara 1954. osam dana pošto je Prezidijum Vrhovnog Sovjeta SSSR usvojio rezoluciju. Tekst rezolucije uz poneki umirujući izvodiz diskusije sa sednice Prezidijuma održane 19. februara, objavljeni su zajedno sa vrlo kratkim saopštenjem. Više detalja o transferu neće biti otkriveno do kraja sovjetske ere.

Ukrajinsko-jugoslavenske veze

Author(s): Zlatko Dizdarević / Language(s): Bosnian

Postaje upadljivo proteklih sedmica kako se događaji u Ukrajini, pretežito u medijima na ovdašnjim prostorima, mimo svih drugih teorija uspoređuju i s “mogućnostima jugoslavenskog scenarija raspada”. Podjednako je upadljivo i kako se u argumentacijama zatu usporedbu upotrebljavaju različiti argumenti, ovisno o sredini u kojoj se teorije “jugoslavenskog raspada” spominju. Na stranu potpuno nesuvisle varijante poput one u pitanju političaru iz Ukrajine u ovdašnjim dnevnim novinama gdje se tzv. jugoslavenski scenarij povezuje s mogućnošću napada Rusije na Ukrajinu!? Kakve veze ima inozemna vojna intervencija s ondašnjim yu-raspadom.

Ukrajina: šta će se sada dogoditi

Author(s): Ian Traynor / Language(s): Ukrainian

Za 14 godina koliko je na vlasti i koliko žali nad propašću sovjetske imperije, Vladimir Putin je započeo tri rata protiv ruskih suseda i protiv teritorija koje su nekada bile pod dominacijom Kremlja. Kao novoizabrani premijer 1999, pre nego što je postao predsednik na Novu godinu 2000, pokrenuo je rat u Čečeniji, brutalno gušeći oružanu pobunu protiv Moskve u severnom Kavkazu i sravnivši pokrajinsku prestonicu Grozni.

Ruske intervencije: Kontrarevolucionarna sila

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Ključni zaključak o Rusiji, staroj i novoj, jeste da je ona kontrarevolucionarna sila: ruska spoljna politika posle Napoleonovih ratova, a naročito posle 1848. bez prekida je kontrarevolucionarna i konzervativna, čak i kada njome vladaju reformisti, kao na primer sada, u postsovjetskoj i posthladnoratovskoj Rusiji. Iako su njeni trenutni spoljnopolitički ciljevi ruski, instrumenti njenih intervencija, na primer u Siriji, ostaju sovjetski. Glavna razlika između nove Rusije i obe stare, i carističke i sovjetske, je odsustvo univerzalnih ideoloških opravdanja, bez obzira na pokušaje oživljavanja ideologije ruske kulturne i civilizacijske izuzetnosti, kao načina gušenja liberalnih promena u zemlji i (samim tim) van nje.

Organizarea memoriei colective după 1989 în Cluj-Napoca.

Author(s): Jakab Albert Zsolt / Language(s): English,Romanian

Transylvania, annexed to Romania in 1920, is a place of continuous Romanian-Hungarian conflicts. There is always a domain of conflict between the Hungarian minority and the Romanian majority represented by the construction, the invention and commemorative use of the past. In my ethnographic and socio-anthropologic analysis I focus on the "memory entrepreneurism", and foreground those interethnic relations and symbolic behaviours that stand behind it in the social context of the multiethnic Cluj-Napoca. The change of regime of 1989 brought along not only a political closure, but also one with on the framework of the imagined past. On the social level this resulted in the drama of the diminuation of belief in the institutions and authorities. The past constructed up to that point naturally lost its political legitimacy. There were two kinds of attitudes emerging within the self-legitimating strategies regarding the past. On the one hand the denial of continuity, the rejection of the past constructed by previous societies in the interest of the new historical order. This new historical order didn't wish to continue the previous economical, social and political relations. But on the other hand, in there was a rising need for historical depth: how can one legitimate the present and create a continuity in the historical space? Nevertheless, the new system considered it necessary to deduce the new social order from history. It had a need for the past also because it defined itself against the past, distancing itself from it: thus the past became surpassed and at the same time an example to follow. The period between 1989 and 2008 proved to be one of the most productive regarding the local construction of memory. Therefore my paper analyses the tendencies of post-1989 past construction. What previously exposed component of the past was made invisible by the new system? What was overtaken and what kind of new components were brought to the surface? What kind of conflicts were revealed, what kind of identity strategies, legitimating processes and national discourses were put into motion by the construction of the (new) memory?

Bolje sprečen nego pravedan rat

Author(s): Noam Chomsky / Language(s): Serbian

Lideri Nato saveza objavili su da alijansa planira da ojača istočni front raspoređivanjem dodatnih trupa u Bugarskoj, Mađarskoj, Poljskoj i Slovačkoj – uključujući hiljade američkih vojnika – i slanjem „opreme koja će pomoći Ukrajini da se odbrani od hemijskih, bioloških, radioloških i nuklearnih pretnji“. I dok sama alijansa ne dostavlja Ukrajini naoružanje direktno, mnoge njene članice ovoj zemlji šalju oružje, uključujući projektile, rakete, mitraljeze i ostalo.

Tranziciona pravda kroz vizuru građana i građanki Crne Gore

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): Montenegrine

Istraživanje javnog mnjenja o znanju i stavovima građana i građanki Crne Gore o ratnim zločinima i tranzicionoj pravdi sprovedeno je radi dobijanja godišnjeg presjeka podataka. Podaci su upoređivani, u dijelu istih pitanja, sa prošlogodišnjim sličnim istraživanjem Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO). Dodatno, po prvi put su unešena i pitanja koja osvijetljavaju percepcije građana i građanki o odnosu pravosuđa i određenih državnih institucija prema ratnim zločinima. Ovakvo redovno praćenje znanja i stavova javnosti daje i koristan uvid o efektima rada različitih društvenih subjekata u procesu suočavanja s prošlošću. Takođe, na ovaj način se dobija empirijska građa o ključnim pitanjima koja su obilježila politički i društveni životu protekloj godini, a vezana su za ova proces, i kakav je to uticaj imalo na društvo.

Антиратне и мировне иницијативе у Србији током pатова деведесетих на простору бивше Југославије

Author(s): Aleksandar Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian

Један од основних предуслова за миран и просперитетан живот у савременом друштву је мир. Мир обезбеђује услове за економски и привредни развој и општи друштвени напредак. Доприноси том циљу могу бити различити, а један од њих је могућ кроз образовање за мир. Учење о миру обухвата знања о мировним покретима, антиратним иницијативама, алтернативним начинима превазилажења и решавања сукоба, чињенице о разоружању, животној средини и одрживом развоју, људским правима, другим културама и религијама, различитостима и др.

Antiratni pokret u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Igor Radulović / Language(s): Montenegrine

Od samog početka ratnih dešavanja na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, crnogorske vlasti su se stavile na raspolaganju režimu Slobodana Miloševića. Sprovodeći politiku zvanične Srbije i JNA (kasnije Vojske Jugoslavije) crnogorsko rukovodstvo se oštro obračunavalo sa političkim neistomišljenicima i svojim oponentima. Osudama vladajućeg režima bili su izloženi protivnici rata (“domaći izdajnici”), zagovornici crnogorske nezavisnosti (“separatisti”) i kritičari aktuelnih političkih trendova.

Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): English

A public opinion poll on the knowledge and attitudes of Montenegrin citizens about war crimes and transitional justice was conducted in order to obtain annual cross-sectional data. The data were compared, in the part of the same questions, with last year’s similar survey conducted by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE). Additionally, for the first time, questions were introduced that shed light on the perceptions of citizens about the attitude of the judiciary and certain state institutions towards war crimes. Such regular monitoring of the public’s knowledge and attitudes also provides useful insight into the effects of the work of various social actors in the process of dealing with the past. Also, in this manner, an empirical base is obtained concerning key issues that marked the political and social life in the past year, concerning this process, and the impact it had on society. For example, the issue of attitudes towards the genocide in Srebrenica marked the second quarter of the political life in Montenegro in 2021 and led to the first dismissal of a minister in the new Montenegrin Government, which was formed in December 2020. However, it is only this research that indicated that the dominant majority of Montenegrin citizens state that they know what happened in Srebrenica in 1995 (86%), than that twothirds of them define it as genocide, while the rest believe that it is a great war crime, but not genocide, or that there was a war in which people were killed on all sides. It is also interesting that with the controversial position of the former Minister of Justice, Human and Minority Rights, Vladimir Leposavić, that he is “ready to admit that the crime of genocide was committed in Srebrenica once it is unequivocally established “, more than half of the citizens did not agree, which could have been instructive for political decision-makers as well. However, on the other hand, the research indicated the overall complexity of Montenegrin society. Hence, the opposition parties, which initiated the impeachment of this minister due to his position on Srebrenica, are not significantly recognized by the citizens as political entities that advocate transitional justice. That points that their inadequate relation towards the issues of facing with past from the period when they had power has not been forgotten. The research is part of the “Dealing with the Past for the Future” project, which the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) is implementing with financial support from the U.S. Government, through the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL).

Građanska memorijalizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini i Republici Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Since its foundation, along with field visits of places of suffering, the Association for Social Research and Communication has been working on collecting data on monuments built in local communities, which are dedicated to the wars of the 1990s. Thus, in 2016, UDIK presented the Central Register of Monuments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which contains data on more than 2,100 memorials, while in 2017 UDIK's team mapped over 1,200 memorials in the Republic of Croatia. This booklet provides a brief overview of developments on the issue of memorialization and the basic findings of UDIK's research on monuments in both countries.

Lessons learned after the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): English

Over the past two and a half decades multiple problems have been identified in the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement. The process of development of the BiH society has generated some visible achievements that could lead to a stable development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, at the same time, some halts in development of the BiH society and state are also notable. These halts have led to the deepening of the crisis in economic development, particularly since 2015. Namely, since 2015, several dozen thousands of young people have left Bosnia and Herzegovina and went to European counties in pursuit of economic prosperity.