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The study is based upon the representative ottoman historical narratives - the histories of Silahdar Mehmed Aga and Defterdar Mehmed Pasha - in search of typology of social behaviour of the Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Balkan provinces during the war between the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire in the end of the 17th century . The Ottoman authors whose reports will be analyzed are part of the historiographic direction that presents the military and political events in the Ottoman Empire during the second half of the 17th century. At the same time the chroniclers involve information about the life in the provinces, as a reflection of the war upon the reaya, and its reactions. The purpose of this report is to present the Ottoman viewpoint in the light of Ottoman historiography, as concrete events, happened in the Ottoman rear during the successful advance of the Habsburg forces. From the presented examples, concerning in particular the reaya of Dragoman, will be outlined some conclusions, characterizing the behaviour of part of the non-Muslim population in the context of the specific political situation.
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This article is an attempt at micro-history of an individual ayan (local notable) - Elhac Omeroglu Haci Omer aga - ayan of Hezargrad (Razgrad) in a prolonged period betwen the early 80-s up to his death in 1800. The sources used by the author are mostly single documents from the funds of Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi (Istanbul) and the Oriental Department at Sofia's National Library. As far as court records (sicills) remain irreplaceable for the study of a local institution as ayanlik the author had a chance to find some documents complementing the story of the ayan of Razgrad in the court records of the neighboring kazas (administrative districts) - namely Ruscuk (Ruse) and Hacioglu Pazari (Dobrich). Central issue of this paper is the ayanship of Haci Omer aga in the 1787-1792 Ottoman war against Russia and Habsburg Monarchy. The documents shed light on the functioning of the provincial administration in crucial moment when t he war deeply affected everyday life as the province became a battleground. The second half of the 18th century marked the point of Ottoman history where irregular troops composed the largest segment of the army. The local notables assumed a very important role in Ottoman wartime politics because of their indispensable function in manning the army with mercenaries from the province and furthermore - the mobilization of local resources for different war exigencies. This process had a clear repercussion in the documents concerning Haci Omer aga - he is among the ayans addressed by name in the orders of the central government to provide irregular troops. The most important aspect of the story here are the details that reviewed the important role of the ayans from there borderland territories in the precedent as the winter war activity of the Russian army in 1788/9 campaign. The cumbersome effect of the war on the people and respectively the ayan of the region at discussion, the difficulties of providing the sultan with the level of aid that was requested and par excellence the accusation of Haci Omer aga in embezzlement resulted in an order for his execution and also the confiscation of his property. The transgressor had the chance to escape his death, to find refuge, and half a year later the state revoked the prosecution and reimbursed Omera aga at his previous position. The reason for this turn of the state politics was his proficiency in providing troops and tax revenues for the coming war campaign. The magnanimity of the sultan proceeded in bestowal of a robe of honour (fur-lined coat) for the endeavour of the ayan to fulfill his engagements. The problems posed in this article implied some typified renderings of loyalty in ayan context. But furthermore the micro-history gives some details - the multifaceted relationship between the central government and the ayan could be seen also as symbiosis. The state turned a blind eye on some of the local elite transgressions for their indispensable administrative capacity at that stage of the Ottoman history.
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In this paper a hypothesis has been discussed that during a certain period of time at the beginning of 19th century at the tekke of Salaheddin baba (which turbe has been built by the famous Osman Pazvantoglu in the town of Vidin in 1801), there was a book collection or a library. This case study has been examined in the context of several topics: 1) the history of the town of "Islam serhad" Vidin; 2) Osman Pazvantoglu and his family; 3) Osman's activity in the field of Islamic charity and his building works; 4) the cult of Muslim Martyrs, precisely of "late" sehids, and the image of sehid Salaheddin/Salatin baba, killed in the battle when the Austrians besieged the Vidin castle in 1689; the tekke is mentioned in documents as a tekke, baba hanegah, zaviye, dergah and financially was supported in the 19th century by the vakf of Osman Pazvantoglu; according to the Muslim' folklore from Vidin his turbe became a worship place and Salaheddin was honoured as a healer; 5) the library of Osman Pazvantoglu; 6) Data found in the Catalogue of the Osman Pazvantoglu's Library from 1837 and in a manuscript from the same library, support the hypothesis of the existence of a book collection or a library in the tekke of Salaheddin baba, the books of the tekke have been moved to the public library of Pazvantoglu probably before 1837. The collection consisted of 30 manuscripts, 11 of which were described in the section "Sufizm, moral and sermon" of the Catalogue from 1837.
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Neka od najtežih kršenja ljudskih prava mogu počiniti one institucije države čija je zadaća i svrha postojanja zaštita građana od nasilja i nepravdi. U pravnoj državi te institucije su, prije svega, policija i sudovi. Postupci korumpiranih policajaca i sudaca s pravom se doživljavaju kao posebno nepravedni i nemoralni. Ljudi koji su školovani i plaćeni da nepravde spriječe i ispravljaju, koriste se svojim znanjem i položajem da nepravdu ozakone i, često, da joj daju svoj doprinos. Pod korumpiranošću se obično podrazumijeva pristrano postupanje protivno pravilima i zakonima na koje se osoba javno poziva i koje je prema svom položaju dužna poštovati zato što je podmićena novcem. Osim materijalnog koristoljublja, pristrano postupanje protivno postojećim pravilima, zakonima i moralnim načelima može biti potaknuto sviješću da je takvo postupanje politički podobno, a da je ostajanje pri moralnim načelima nezdravo za karijeru. Taj oblik ‘’legalizirane korupcije’’ mnogo je opasniji jer predstavlja bolest društva, a ne samo izolirane slučajeve nepoštenih i nemoralnih pojedinaca.
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Sažeto rečeno, svrha kaznenih sankcija sastoji se od posebne i opće prevencije te od retribucije/kažnjavanja društva počinitelja kaznenih djela. U suvremenim pravnim porecima zapadnog tipa, težište se pomaknulo na preventivni element kaznenog sankcioniranja radi odvraćanja od činjenja budućih kaznenih djela i s težnjom resocijalizacije počinitelja, iako osuda i kazna ostaju sastavni dio izricanja kaznenih sankcija.
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Împlinirea unui secol de la răpirea Basarabiei de către Rusia ţaristă a prilejuit organizarea unor manifestaţii zgomotoase în Chişinău. La 3 mai 1912 a avut loc o adunare a zemstvei guberniale a Basarabiei sub preşedinţia directorului administrativ gubernial A. N. Iugan. Cu această ocazie, s-a discutat problema găsirii celor mai potrivite căi şi metode prin care să se convingă populaţia să vină la serbările ce se vor organiza pe 16 mai 1912. Autorităţile guberniale au decis ca în ziua jubileului să fie o adevărată sărbătoare. În acest scop, a fost aprobată suma de 20.000 de ruble pentru împodobirea şi iluminarea Palatului Gubernial din Chişinău şi alte 7000 de ruble repartizate celor şapte preşedinţi de judeţ. În total, pentru amintitele festivităţi s-au cheltuit 734.000 de ruble sau 1.800.000 de lei.
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Articolul face referire la distrugerile suferite de biserici şi alte clădiri cu caracter religios din zona Bugeacului în anii celui de‑al Doilea Război Mondial. Ţinta studiului este stabilirea celor responsabili pentru distrugerile provocate pe durata conflictelor din regiune.
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Anul 1940 a marcat apogeul efectelor politicii dezas- truoase duse pe plan intern şi extern de către guvernele impuse de regele Carol al II-lea, începând cu 10 februarie 1938. Între 26 iunie şi 7 septembrie 1940, România s-a aflat la cheremul puterilor europene care hotărau, prin acţiuni politice, diplomatice şi militare, soarta unui continent scăpat de sub controlul democraţiilor lumii (SUA, Franţa, Marea Britanie), hipnotizate parcă de personalitatea şi acţiunea unor lideri ai forţelor extremiste, naziste, fasciste şi comuniste.
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Based on the analysis and evaluation of the characteristics of historical science in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period considered, several important facts need to be pointed out. The aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 had profound consequences on the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography and in its neighbourhood, and as a consequence there is an increased interest in the past and in seeking answers to current events in the past. Historical sciences have largely become an instrument of current policies, so little attention is paid to critical analyses of historical sources and their objective evaluation and interpretation. New interpretations of historical processes, while removing credible facts, have greatly influenced the formation of new approaches to historiography. Historiographic works are valued differently in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although many facts have been known before, so it is impossible to give a singular assessment of Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography which considers the period of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Detailed insight into the structure of published historiographical works in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows that the treatment of certain aspects of Bosnia and Herzegovina's past is dominated by discussions, articles and short stories of unequal quality and scientific scope, as well as the lack of extensive, scientifically based studies, which are a prerequisite for the creation of historiographic syntheses. Although significant results have been achieved in Bosnian-Herzegovinian historiography in the study of political, economic and cultural developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian period, there are several issues that have been neglected in historical science: the writing of a voluminous history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the publication of source material of different provenance and thematic representation, study of population migration from 1878 to 1918, consideration of the economy and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule of 1878-1918, review of socio-economic trends during the First World War, as well as depictions of Bosnia and Herzegovina in world travel literature.
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Pred vama je vodič po Zagrebu kojim želimo olakšati upoznavanje nekih ključnih mjesta stradanja i otpora u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Sažeti opisi povezuju povijesna istraživanja, odabrane ulomke iz književnih djela, dnevnika i osobnih sjećanja. U trenutku kad polako odlazi generacija koja je preživjela vrijeme najgoreg terora u povijesti grada nastojali smo stvoriti što više prostora za riječi i zapise svjedoka vremena i protagoniste povijesnih događanja. Razvoj ove publikacije podržalo je Veleposlanstvo Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u Republici Hrvatskoj, u sklopu programa "Osporavana povijest: novi pristupi obrazovanju o holokaustu". Documenta se pitanjem prezentacije ključnih događaja 20. Stoljeća bavi od svog osnivanja, tražeći najbolje načine približavanja prošlosti novim generacijama. Neki dosadašnji poduhvati uključuju obilazak mjesta sjećanja, počevši od 2010. i dokumentarnog filma Documenta Memoriae – Zagreb, redateljice Dijane Mlađenović dostupnog online na ovoj poveznici. U sagledavanju mjesta sjećanja i otkrivanju novih mogućnosti komemoriranja žrtava, posebno nas je poticao Saša Šimpraga, autor koncepta Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina, s kojim od 2012. Sudjelujemo u organiziranju godišnjih memorijalnih intervencija dostupnim na poveznici www.dotrscina.hr. Paralelno s događanjima u prostoru parka, u javnom prostoru Trga bana Jelačića u rujnu 2012. mogao se razgledati prvi postav Virtualnog muzeja Dotrščina na temu Pisci I publicisti ubijeni na Dotrščini čija je autorica bila Nataša Mataušić, muzejska savjetnica Hrvatskog povijesnog muzeja.
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U tekstu će biti riječi o postojanju širokog kruga političke, intlektualne i kulturno-umjetničke opozicije koja je od kraja osamdesetih godina radila prije svega na iznalaženju rješenja izlaska iz jugoslovenske krize, potom na spriječavanju izbijanja ratnih sukoba, te na okončanju istih, odnosno kroz kulturno-umjetnički angažman tokom rata nastojala ukazati na stradanja civilnog stanovništva. Građom i izvorima koji se iznose i koriste u tekstu pokušava se tema osvijetliti iz više različitih perspektiva. U prvom dijelu teksta ukratko se izlaže kontekst u kojem su djelovale nenacionalističke organizacije i političke stranke, antiratna i građanska udruženja. Zatim će se ukazati na masovne antiratne proteste i na pojedinačne individualane pokušaje adaptacije stanovništva na novonastale ratne okolnosti.
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Ni nakon više od dvije decenije u Srebrenici, ali manje-više i u svim povratničkim mjestima, ne samo da nije izrađen i primijenjen održivi model ekonomskog oporavka i razvoja već je ostao nerazjašnjen sam koncept postratni/genocidni ekonomskog oporavka. I pored zvanično promoviranog i izdašno donacijski podržanog procesa ekonomske obnove, na sceni su krajnje nepovoljna demografska, socijalna i ekonomska kretanja u ukupnom postratnom periodu. Naravno da se zbog toga otvaraju brojna pitanja ovakvog neuspjeha – od ponovnog preispitivanja samog pojma ekonomske obnove do niza „nenaučenih lekcija” iz dvadesetogodišnjeg procesa ekonomske obnove u ovoj općini.
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Općina Srebrenica nalazi se u istočnom dijelu Bosne i Hercegovine. Graniči s općinama: Bratunac na sjeveru i sjeveroistoku, Višegrad i Rogatica na jugozapadu, općinom Milići (dio bivše općine Vlasenica) na zapadu, a na jugu granica ide rijekom Drinom u dužini od 40 km koja je i međunarodna granica između Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srbije. Površina teritorije općine Srebrenica je 529,83 km2. Prema popisu stanovništva 1991. godine na prostoru općine Srebrenice živjelo je ukupno 36.666 stanovnika ili 0,84% od ukupnog stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine. Bošnjaka je bilo 27.572 ili 75,20%, Srba 8.315 ili 22,70% i ostalih 779 ili 2,12%1. Gustina naseljenosti u općini iznosila je 69,6 st/km2 (u Bosni i Hercegovini 85,6 st/km2). U političko-administrativnom pogledu 1991. godine Srebrenica je imala 19 mjesnih zajednica u kojima se nalazilo 80 naselja od kojih je jedno pripadalo gradskom, a 79 seoskom tipu naselja. Prema prirodnom priraštaju koji je iznosio 13,2‰ 1991. godine, općina Srebrenica bila je na petom mjestu u Bosni i Hercegovini i to poslije općina Žepče, Velika Kladuša, Živinice i Kalesija. U periodu 1992‒1995. godine na području općine Srebrenica, kao i na prostoru cijele Bosne i Hercegovine, dogodile su se krupne demografske promjene. Masovni zločini koje su nad nedužnim bošnjačkim stanovništ-vom vršile tzv. Vojska RS i policija RS, pod vojnom komandom ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića i političke direktive ratnog zločinca Radova-na Karadžića, dostigle su vrhunac u općini Srebrenica kada su srpske oružane formacije okupirale “sigurnu zonu UN-a” Srebrenicu, jula 1995. godine, i počinile genocid nad nedužnim bošnjačkim stanovništvom.
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When Hitler decided to invade Yugoslavia and destroy it as a state, his representatives contacted the largest Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS). The Germans wanted the party’s leader, Vladko Maček, to head the new, independent Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia. But Maček rejected the proposal. Then the Ger-mans turned to the Ustasha organization in Croatia and its leader Slavko Kvaternik declared the independent Croatia on April 10, 1941, the same day when the German army entered Zagreb. The Kingdom of Italy had previously supported the Ustasha organization, but after the assassination of the Yugoslav King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseille in 1934, organized by the Ustashas, the Italians restricted the activities of the Ustasha organization in their territory. In the circumstances of preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia, the Italians organized the passage of several hundred Ustashas led by Ante Pavelić to Croatia.
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Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”
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For centuries, the Croatian lands have been at the crossroads of traffic routes and different civilizational frameworks – Mediterranean, Western European, and Eurasian. The consequence of this position in a contact zone was that the Croatian society in the 19th century was multiethnic and multireligious, multilingual and subjected to different cultural influences. Croats made up just over 70% of the population, Serbs a little less than 25%, and Italians, Germans, and Hungarians were the most numerous of other ethnic communities. Affiliation with the Catholic and Orthodox churches roughly coincided with these percentages, while the share of Protestants and Jews was slightly higher than 1% of the population. Until 1847, the official language was Latin, which was then replaced by Croatian. German was very widespread as a language of commerce and every-day communication of the higher social strata in Croatia and Slavonia, while in Istria and Dalmatia Italian was the language of administration, the judiciary, secondary education, and communication among the higher strata of the society. In the second half of the 19th century, its role was gradually taken over by the Croatian language. The lower social strata, largely illiterate, spoke Croatian. Croatia and Slavonia were strongly influenced by the Austro-German cultural circle, and towards the end of the century cultural influences from other Western European countries were increasingly felt. In Istria and Dalmatia, which in the previous centuries had been under the rule of Venice, retained a strong Venetian and Italian cultural influence. In the border areas towards the Ottoman Empire, there was a rather limited cultural influence of the neighbours south of the Sava among the lower social strata.
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The Bulgarian National Volunteer Company 4093 was a military unit of the American Armed Forces, which existed in the period from 1951 to 1964. It was established by Dr. G. М. Dimitrov, who opposes the established totalitarian power in the People’s Republic of Bulgaria. Through this paper, the author reassesses some of the stereotypes imposed on the company and brings into scholarly circulation some archival documents from the collection of Dr. G. М. Dimitrov.
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