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People connected with education were particulary observed by a communist regime. They were is contacted with the democratic opposition. Thanks for scientists, teachers, students and teenagers the opposition could publish in underground press. An independent scientist life had to go down to the underground to function without restraint there. Because of Secret co-waker the scientist environment was subordinared of the government. An independent cultural activity influenced teenagers views and only a few of them supported the government. Independent movements of teenagers, Scouts and students were based for “Solidarność” which supported NZS. The organizations like: ZNP, SZSP, ZSMP contributed to change the regime in 1989.
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On his father’s side, the painter Ştefan Luchian (1868-1916) descended from a family of Moldavian low boyars connected to the town of Galați. He was born in the small city of Ştefǎnești, in the district of Botoșani, because his father, major Dimitrie Luchian, was camped in the garrison there, in a military unit of border guards. Dimitrie Luchian was the son of serdar Vasile Luchian of Galați, the son of Dumitrache Luchian, a boyar from the Tutova district. The artist’s mother, Elena Luchian, born Chiriacescu, was the daughter of Iamandache Chiriacescu (Chiriac) and of his wife Anica, descended from Periețeanu boyar family, originated in the Ialomița district. Her family branch owned land in Perieți, near Slobozia, prior to the great expropriation of 1949. On the Periețeanu line, the ancestry of the painter – also in the old Doicescu family – can be reconstituted until the 17th century. Previous contributions to the research of the families that were in the ancestry of Ştefan Luchian were done by the art historian and critic Theodor Enescu (1926-1998), in an article published in “SCIA” in 1959 and by the genealogist Alexandru V. Perietzianu-Buzǎu (1911-1995), in an unpublished work about the Periețeanu families.
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The present article deals with the scientific and political configuration of Criminal Law in Greater Romania, by focusing on three Criminal code projects (1928, 1933, 1934), together with the theoretical explanations that come along and political motivations that surface the penal discourse. Although Romania was victorious in the Great War, many analysts considered that the country was not yet “safe”, as further enemies were to be fought. The Criminal domain proves extremely important in the national venture of defense: the Criminal Code projects made in the epoch show a vivid preoccupation for “defending the society” (Foucault) from its internal enemies. I argue that the turbulent post-World War One social and political context and the success of the positivism-inspired Criminal law in interwar Europe, assumed explicitly or implicitly by the institutional actors involved, trigger significant changes in the Criminal law of interwar Romania. These changes, were part of a larger process of “somatization” (Cooter) that marks the modern culture and illustrate the process of medicalization of the Criminal law in Greater Romania.
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The article presents an independent cultural activity in a period of material law in Poland. Independent and Undenground culture and art could progress thanks for Independent Culture Comittee. The activity of Independent Culture Comittee was led until 1989. The organization fulfilled its duties and it was dissolved. After the system’s change free and independent activity of artists could been functioned.
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This paper analyses how tobacco was turned into the so called “iarba dracului” (devil’s herb) in the Romanian Principalities, towards the end of the 18th century. It inquires into the ways in which the Romanian Orthodox Church demonized tobacco and into the consequences the Church’s discourse had on the traditional beliefs. A certain evolution in the framing of the arguments regarding the condemnation of tobacco can be noted in the documents studied: From strictly religious arguments put foreword throughout the 18th c., through medically-informed religious condemnation (i.e. slow suicide, thus sin against God) encountered at the beginning of the 20th century, to the upsurge of the condemnation based exclusively on medical arguments (i.e. diseases, premature aging, impotence, death etc.) since the late decades of the 20th c. Under the impact influence of secularization/medicalization, fears evolved. In the Romanian Principalities the religious condemnation of tobacco was, to a certain extent, triggered by similar reactions within Orthodox Russia (which were already attestable in the 17th century). Yet there are certain differences between Romania and Russia respectively, which pertain to the ways the Church tried to discourage Romanians from consuming tobacco, such as hagiographies which were modified to include tobacco among the sins, manuscripts written by Orthodox hierarchs, who associated tobacco with the devil and with certain ethnic groups (pagans, Turks, Gypsies etc.). These groups, already seen as deviant, were used as a counter-model for discouraging people from smoking: people should not smoke because that is what the pagans, Turks, Gypsies do.
More...![„Körül voltam én véve rendesen […], ha nincs a film, akkor engem biztos, hogy börtönbe zárnak”.](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_29495.jpg)
The study examines where and in what form 1956 footage was used and presented to the public in the first decade of the Kádár era. First, Murai focuses on the individuals who captured the events of the 1956 Revolution on film, tracing the history of the footage after the revolution. A significant amount of footage was taken abroad, the rest was forcefully confiscated and placed under the government’s control. As dictated by the memory politics of the Kádár era, footage shot during the revolution was first used in political propaganda films. In 1957, the ideological tenets of the regime were formulated, in which the creation of the ‘counter-revolution’ interpretation played a central role. One of the key elements of the ensuing propaganda campaign was visual memory, especially reframing and re-interpreting footage shot in October and November 1956, the subject of Murai’s enquiry. After the years of retaliation, from the beginning of the 1960s onwards, some of the footage is repurposed in feature films following the ‘agreement’ brokered between the establishment and the filmmakers. The role of these moving images in this context was to recreate the visually authentic setting of the era, at the same time they also contributed to a more nuanced representation of the revolution. 1956 footage was first featured in a motion picture in the 1963 film Dialogue (Párbeszéd) directed by János Herskó. The study devotes a detailed analysis to this film, especially the view of history it represents, the function of inserting archival footage into the film, and its reception in contemporary media.
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In the framework of the international MOSAIC project the authors have taken a sample for the historic Kingdom of Hungary consisting of more than 30,000 persons and 6,000 households. Sampling was based on territorial differences and denominational distribution in order to assure (to the extent possible) economic and cultural multiplicity. In the course of this analysis the authors tried to reveal the determinants of household structure. They pointed out that a large majority (around 70 per cent) of households was of simple structure, that is to say consisted of one single nuclear family. At the same time, the percentage of multiple-family households (about 14 per cent) was also considerable besides that of extended-family households (ten per cent). The higher frequency of more complex household forms could be linked to the sex and age of the household heads. Female heads’ and older heads’ higher chances of living together with married relatives was proved both by descriptive statistics and multivariate analysis. This result shows that household structure was a dynamic phenomenon which changed considerably over time. Socio-occupational status appears to be a decisive factor. First of all, landowner status was linked to a much higher frequency of more complex household forms, which can be explained by the higher labour force demand of farming compared to other professions. Multivariate analysis confirmed the marked regional variety concerning household structure, but altered the weight of one or another region somewhat, thereby revealing the role of composition effect. Denominational differences remained in the course of the multivariate analysis, but the odds ratios showed weak effects. Considering the results with respect to the Hajnal model further conclusions can be drawn. First and foremost, strong spatial differences do not follow a West–East axis. Second, the decisive role of occupation and social position, the possible role of farming and land use, and subsequent and varied labour force demands of households (besides ethno-cultural features) can be all considered new evidence. This confirms the necessity of searching for alternative approaches to better understand the mechanisms and influencing factors of household formation.
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The feature deals with the basic aspects of cultural-educational activities of the Slovak National Museum during the first half of the Seventios. We structured it as remarks to these activities and we focused on exhibition activities, external activities and cooperation of museums and schools. In spite of political pressure, apolitical contents were stressed in cultural-educational activities.
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Vorliegender Studium beruht sich auf die Informationen die an Ort und Stelle in den Dörfern um Orastie gesammelt wurden, und versucht mögliche Erklärungen zu finden für manche Sitten die mit der Zeitspanne vor der Geburt, Geburt und die Zeitspanne nach der Geburt verbunden sind. Es sind einige Verbote angegeben, die die werdende Mutter streng einhalten muss, um ein gesundes Kind zur Welt zu bringen.Es geht hier um die Zeit, als die Mütter ihre Kinder zu Hause zur Welt gebracht haben. In manchen Dörfern gab es keine ärztliche Praxis, die Hebamme stand der werdender Mutter bei der Geburt bei, und überwachte den Gesundheitszustand der Mutter und des neugeborenen Kindes eine Woche lang. Das Neugeborene wurde 6 Wochen nach der Geburt getauft, eine andere Zeitspanne, wo die Mutter andere Verbote einhalten musste, wie zum Beispiel: sie durfte das Haus wo sie wohnte nicht verlassen und ihre ganze Aufmerksamkeit dem Neugeborenen widmen, und durfte das Kind nicht alleine lassen.Heute, obwohl die Kinder im Krankenhaus zur Welt kommen, werden doch manche dieser Bräuche, in den Dörfern in der Umgebung von Orastie, vor und nach der Geburt noch immer eingehalten.
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The author points out interesting data pertaining to the office of executioner in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and other European states. As state executioner had been retired, Egidij Fuks applied to be elected to the office of executioner who will carry death sentences in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians. The text offers insight in the motives and circumstances of his application, as well as the context in which the new executioner has been elected.
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The study traces general tendencies in the changing discourse on masturbation in twentieth-century Hungary. It analyses texts by various “experts of sexuality”, such as educators, psychologists, and sexologists, and juxtaposes them with Thomas Laqueur’s and Michel Foucault’s theories about the history of modern masturbation. In Hungary in the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, just like in the rest of Europe, masturbation became (falsely) known as a potentially deadly illness, a source of all illnesses, in addition to being a vice. As a result, the figure of the “onanist” appeared and was constructed as the “sexual other” in various ways. In the early twentieth century, though many pathologies regarding solitary sex had been refuted by that time, it was still seen by Hungarian doctors as greatly harmful and a threat to society. The interwar years brought about the slow spread of Freud’s ideas on childhood and sexuality in Hungary, whereby masturbation was normalized, at least for children. However, the rejection of Freud, coupled with sexual anti-Semitism, proved to be a stronger force and sex education texts of the time often linked the exteriorized sexual danger of the Jew with masturbation. In postwar socialist Hungary pleasuring oneself became “neither a sin nor an illness”, but the discourse itself still warned of the danger of excess. The liberalization and pluralization of the discourse on sexuality in the Kádár regime brought about the new paradigm of acceptance and, in the work of some sexologists, even encouragement to masturbate for therapeutic reasons.
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The paper presents and analyzes the representations of women’s same-sex desires, sexualities and relationships in state socialist psychiatric and sexology literature. These texts constitute a significant corpus of images of gays and lesbians, both reflecting on and contributing to the discourse on homosexuality. Within the psychological discourses on homosexuality, the case of women shows special characteristics. Women usually appear along a continuum, in which their sexual choices are linked to emotional factors and a general need for intimacy in the first place. There is no “need” for therapeutic conversion for women since the socially prescribed scripts for getting married are strong enough and the lack of sexual pleasure with men is not considered to be a problem. Psycho-medical accounts seem to lack the recognition of lesbian identity or life perspective altogether; lesbianism is interpreted as an early attachment disorder or a substitute for unsatisfying relationships with men. The fundamental therapeutic aim is to achieve good social adaptation and adjustment. In this process, psychology experts are influential representatives of the heteronormative society, reinforcing gender norms and straight family ideals. Scholarly and popular psy- and sexology literature suggests that even though transgressing sexuality was a stronger taboo for men, women’s transgression of marriage was considered a more serious social threat.
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Sexual identity and orientation is heavily dependent on time and place and so is the meaning of femininity and masculinity, social gender and sexual gender. Besides biological determinants, gender and sexuality have always had a social aspect throughout history, therefore it can only be interpreted in the context of social relations.Bálint demonstrates this approach through the case of a young girl presented to the court of Eger in 1760 who claimed that she was a hermaphrodite and lived as a man. Various questions emerge about the girl, Ancsa Bodnár. Why did she claim she was a hermaphrodite keeping her real gender a secret? What were the consequences of being “intersexual”, to use a modern term? How did society and the jury approach dissenting sexual appearances? And why did Bodnár choose to live as a man if she was not really androgynous?In addition to the discussion of the cultural-historical aspects of hermaphroditism and women living as men, Bálint also studies cross-dressing and the phenomenon of changing gender. What were women’s motives to wear men’s clothes and to assume men’s roles? The study presents eighteenth-century court materials and the confessions of offenders to examine cross-dressing as a survival strategy in everyday life.
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The paper examines the main features of the image of queer subculture in the first half of the twentieth century based on police and press discourses. Queer subculture in the modern metropolis was a very diverse and complex phenomenon at the time, with a number of various sub-types. This complexity is not only observed by historians of queer culture but was also evident for contemporary analysts like police officers and journalists. As indicated in the title, the discourse about male homosexuality in this period is characterized by a gradual medicalisation. After the 1900s homosexuality began to be interpreted as a disease and a perversion that can be cured and healed.The primary sources of the study are police documents, books published by police officers and articles in Budapest newspapers. In addition to the daily press Perényi examines books of urban reportage first appearing in Budapest in the 1900s, which are closely linked to the discourse in the press. The joint works of reporter Kornél Tábori and head of the police press office Vladimir Székely give an especially sharp insight into urban queer culture of Budapest.The analysis of police and press discourses of same-sex sexuality supports the thesis that from the 1900s until the end of the Horthy era, regardless of the political system, attitudes toward queer culture were generally tolerant, which can be largely attributed to the fact that non-normative forms of sexual behavior were interpreted in a medicalised way.
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