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An essay about the role of anticommunist resistence in Czechoslovakia.
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An essay about the role of anticommunist resistence in Czechoslovakia.
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Review of: Novotný Vojtěch "Maximální křesťanství, Adolf Kajpr SJ a list Katolík" Karolinum, Prague 2012, 444 pages by: Vojtěch Vlček
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Review of: Vlček Vojtěch "Totalitám navzdory" Karmelitánské nakladatelství, Kostelní Vydří 2011, 516 pages by: Petr Mallota
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Review of: Cenckiewicz Sławomir "Długie ramię Moskwy. Wywiad wojskovy Polski Ludowej 1943–1991 (wprowadzenie do syntezy)" Zysk i S-ka Publishing House, Poznań 2011, 534 pages by: Petr Blažek
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Review of: Jindra Martin "Z milosti trpět pro Krista. Životní příběh faráře Církve československé (husitské) Václava Mikuleckého" Blahoslav ve spolupráci s náboženskou obcí CČSH v Praze 1 – Staré Město, Prague 2011, 379 pages by: František Konvalinka
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This study looks at the life of František Bořek-Dohalský from Dohalice, a member of the aristocratic Bořek-Dohalský family from Dohalice, who deviates considerably from commonly held notions about the nobility in modern Czech history as well as from the ranks of the aristocracy itself. Despite the abolition of privileges and the noble status in 1918, the Dohalský family positively accepted the establishment of an independent Czechoslovak state in the autumn of 1918. They identified with its ideals and became part of the governing civilian elite. František entered the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and worked as a diplomat at the embassies in London and Vienna. In Austria, he was caught off balance by the advent of fascism and the subsequent anschluss with Nazi Germany. In September 1939, he signed the so-called “National Declaration of the Czech Nobility” in which he aligned himself with opposition to the occupying power and declared full allegiance to Czech customs and aspirations along with approximately 80 other aristocrats. He joined the anti-Nazi resistance together with his two brothers – Zdeněk, a journalist with the Lidové noviny newspaper, and Antonín, St. Vitus’ canon and archbishop’s chancellor (whom this article also devotes attention to). He was imprisoned for his democratic convictions and spent three years at Dachau concentration camp. Both his siblings, however, did not survive the war. Antonín perished in Auschwitz in September 1942, and Zdeněk was executed in Terezín’s Small Fortress (Malá pevnost) in February 1945. After being released from captivity, František Bořek-Dohalský returned to diplomacy and became Czechoslovakia’s ambassador in Vienna. Naturally, as a result of the communist putsch in February 1948 and the establishment of a communist monopoly of power, his work for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs soon came to an end (although it also ended because of his poor health). The impact of communist persecution also weighed very heavily on the life of František’s son Jiří, who was a clerk in the Office of the President of the Republic. He was sentenced to 17 years imprisonment in a politically motivated trial. František did not live long enough to hear the verdict imposed on his son. He died in Prague on 3 January 1951. The fate of František-Bořek Dohalský and his family illustrates a unique union between a noble family and democratic ideals. The members of this family also did not hesitate to lay down their lives for these ideals during periods of totalitarian rule.
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Report from the exhibition named "Since then I believe in fate ..."
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On the basis of previously unpublished archival documents, the research follows the directions, volumes, forms and types of charitable activities aimed at the needs of the troops during the military conflict of 1904-1905 by representatives of the Bessarabian nobility. By the end we show that Bessarabian aristocrats actively provided the army and navy with all-round assistance (money and material supplies) during the Russo-Japanese War. Also, the Bessarabian nobility actively participated in the formation of sanitary trains dispatched to the Far East, as well as in the manufacture of dressings for hospitals.
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The following study presents the regulation policy of prices in the agricultural sector of Bessarabian economy in 1906-1914, during the years before the First World War. The main purpose of this presentation is showing the essence of Tsarist administration’s measures in this area. The objectives of the study are as following: presenting price dynamics in the agrarian sector, determining the local administration's reaction to these changes and the impact of the actions undertaken. This topic remains topical because it can serve as a remarkable example for the future price policy in the Republic of Moldova. The main bibliographic sources of the data presented can be found in the Bessarabian Zemstva Uprava Fund of 1906-1914, kept in the National Archive of the Republic of Moldova.
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The Transdnistrian conflict or the war in Transdnistria (sometimes called Moldovan-Russian war) was a military conflict, currently a political conflict between Moldova and the self-proclaimed “Transdniester Moldovan Republic” over control in Camenca, Dubăsari, Grigoriopol, Ribniţa, Slobozia and Tiraspol, located on the left bank of the Dniester river, and Bender city, located on the right bank of the same river. The political conflict started in 1990, immediately after the independence of the so-called Transnistrian Moldovan Republic, with its dormant phase still being carried out today.
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The People’s Republic of China, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, the Philippines, the Republic of China (Taiwan), Malaysia, and the Nation of Brunei, the Abode of Peace – 6 countries that are disputing the territories in the South China Sea. The most important claims from this area are the Spratly and Paracel Islands because owning these two regionally-centred territories means extending control over the sea with 200 nautical miles, according to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The reason for this conflict is simple: the desire to seize the resources in area. China has claimed about 90% of the South China Sea in a map published in 1947, where the territory is well-defined by the so-called nine-dash line, bringing certain historical arguments that, however, cannot be proven. The conflict has evolved so much over time that today we are dealing with the colonization and the migration of the people from the countries involved, and the appearance of new man-made islands that serve as military bases, the majority of them belonging to China. The United States are indirectly involved in the South China Sea conflict because of the treaties of defense it has with some of the countries involved in the dispute. Hence, the presence of American warships and aircraft carriers in this area can be explained.
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The problem of the history of ideas (unrestricted progress) in the Solaris written by Stanislaw Lem and in most known film adaptations directed by Andrei Tarkovsky (1972) and Steven Soderbergh (2002). Utopia as a camouflage of dystopia. Imperfection of human nature and metaphysical optimism. Utopian thinking in trans- and post-humanism. Possibility (?) of total communication (Lem’s novel) and the image of impenetrable mystery (Tarkovsky’s movie). Inevitability of defeat (Lem) and the image of salvation (Soderbergh).
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The formation of modern Ukrainian national identity in Galicia in the 19th – the early 20th century was a long and difficult process, not devoid of alternatives. The starting point was the delimitation of the cultural and spiritual space of the Commonwealth, declaring that the Galician Ukrainians are entitled to independent national development separate from the Poles. Although among the Galician Ukrainians there were supporters of a two-stage national identity ‒ “gente Rutheni, natione Poloni” ‒ the Ukrainian-Polish relations in Galicia developed by the logic of a struggle between nations. After separating from the Poles, the ideologues of the national movement of Galician Rusyns faced the task of defining “their” territory and history, of forming literary language. They expected serious difficulties on this way. The conservative attachment to “old Rus,” backed by a large role of the Greek Catholic clergy, has created a database for searches of national identity within a wide pan-Russian space. However, the Russophile orientation was only a step to the establishment of modern Ukrainian identity, and an attempt of some of its ideologues to equate pan-Russian space with Russian space led to its split and fall in popularity. Much more attractive to Galician Ukrainians was the “Ukrainian project” built by means of the new “Shevchenkivska” culture from Dnieper Ukraine. With the turn of the 19th and 20th century the idea of an independent Ukrainian democratic state, which had to overcome all contradictions, began to function as a kind of perfect recipe for happiness. It captured more and broader sectors of the population, although it seemed achievable at a remote time in the future.
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The aim of this paper is to characterize the evolution of social and national identity of Galician peasants in the late 19th and early 20th century. The author shows a few examples from the sources and studies on the subject, from which we can find out how these areas of peasant consciousness evolved. It was possible for changes to take place after several social and economic reforms were adopted. These changes contributed to the development of active civic attitudes and a greater participation in political life. At the same time, the emergence of peasant parties and the activities carried out by politicians contributed to the evolution of national identity. The awakening of national awareness was greatly influenced by the press and publications. A major role was also played by schools, the Church and the participation in social life of rural communities. The social and national identity of peasants showed in the celebration of national holidays, political programs and the growth of press subscription among rural inhabitants of Galicia.
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In this paper comparative analysis of poetic works of Zbigniew Herbert and Miodrag Pavlović concerning the duality between culture and barbarism is being presented. The opposition between these two categories is present in both author’s poetry but they use it in slightly different ways. In Herbert’s poetry, as interpreted by Stanisław Barańczak, there is a relation between “heritage” and “disinheritance” that appears on various levels: geographic, historic and cognitive. The lyrical subject of the poems gets a feeling of an internal conflict, as he feels both connected to the world of European culture and separated from it, partly because of the war and totalitarian experience of the 20th century. In the poetry of Miodrag Pavlović there is a confrontation between the pagan, nature-bonded Slavs and the Greek, Christian culture of Byzantium. The two worlds are the roots the poet reaches to in search of the true nature of ‘Balkan people’. For both poets the duality of culture and barbarism can be considered a symbol of internal tension that characterises a human being who belongs to the two worlds and lives between them.
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The history of books that were rejected, condemned, banned or censored in various parts of the world for political, social, religious or sexual reasons is very long. Whereas, however, people in the West have learned to value controversial literature despite its contentious or provocative nature, the societies in the Middle East still have problems with accepting certain sorts of literary works. There are many publications in the Arab World that sum up to a category I call unwanted literature because the conservative society in which they were produced doesn’t want to accept them as their own heritage. One of the most recent and striking examples of such divergence of opinion between the Western and Eastern readers are the works of the Moroccan author Mohamed Choukri and especially his autobiography al-Ëubz al-ÍÁfÐ published in 1973 in English translation by Paul Bowles as For Bread Alone long before the Arabic version could appear.
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This paper is devoted to one of the currents of the Montenegrin contemporary drama – the phenomenon of “black drama”. Director Niko Goršič, which is actively working in Montenegro – recognized the potential of texts that were formed in this spirit and he briefly characterized their specificity. “Black drama” shows first of all connection with women’s playwriting which is involved, emerging and evolving since the 90s of the twentieth century. In these dramas are present current issues concerning the redefinition of identity, sexual freedom, breaking taboos, economic and political changes. Playwrights describe restrictive practices in culture of patriarchy and customary law of Montenegro viewed from the perspective of women. High sensitivity to any confounding psychological and social woman, her position and function in society and culture appears not only in women’s playwriting. Confrontations between history and present, tradition and modernity, femininity and masculinity, hope and disillusionment, micro- and macrostory are most fully reflected in the tragedies by Radmila Vojvodić (Princess Xenia of Montenegro, Montenegro blues), Nataša Nelević (Eggs) and Ljubomir Đurković (Tobelija, Cassandra. Clichés).
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The article is a review of a book Szczęśliwe winy teolingwizmu. Poezja polska po roku 1968 w perspektywie postsekularnej. The theoretical basis for this work derives from the contemporary postsecular thought, and the leading concepts are language, divinity, and community. Witold Wirpsza, Tymoteusz Karpowicz, Krystyna Miłobędzka, Stanisław Barańczak, Tadeusz Różewicz, Bogdan Zadura, Eugeniusz TkaczyszynDycki, Justyna Bargielska and Joanna Mueller constitute the core of the linguistic theology and theological poetics as described by Piotr Bogalecki, in which the spiritual is inextricably linked with the linguistic. The review stresses the special role of Wirpsza and Karpowicz for Bogalecki’s conception of the study, as well as some difficulties with placing Różewicz and Tkaczyszyn-Dycki within the theolinguistic trend, which, however, do not affect the high theoretical and interpretative quality of this excellent study.
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The presented country profile, based on several national reports, legal acts, international databases, scientific articles and pilot research performed with the use of health care sector templates, outlines the major institutional, organisational and financing challenges for health promotion in Poland, and specifically, health promotion for older adults. Despite the numerous legislative and organisational changes in the health care sector since 1989 and the strengthening of the public health institutions in Poland, the country lacks a long-term, sustainable policy perspective in the public health area. The traditionally higher priority attached to curative care than to public health actions is one of the major reasons for the shortcomings of public health policy and the insufficient resources for health promotion and primary prevention in general, and health promotion for older adults specifically. However, there are also many weaknesses at the organisational level. One of the most important is the weak cooperation between the different levels of territorial self-government, the central government and other institutions when undertaking health promotion actions, which results in the development of both under- and overprovision of health promotion interventions for different population groups and at different geographical locations. Few self-government associations try to improve the cooperation and experience exchange in this field. However there is a need for a greater coordination and information exchange concerning plans and financial possibilities as well as for more competent health educators with better communication skills, less bureaucratic burdens, and better financial conditions.
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