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Suočeni smo s time da se hrvatskome antifašističkom otporu poriču demokratske tekovine, uz obrazloženje kako ih nije moglo ni biti jer je komunističko vodstvo ratne tekovine koalicijske antifašističke Narodne fronte iskoristilo kao politički kapital da bi hrvatskoj naciji nametnulo obnovu južnoslavenske državne zajednice, a njoj boljševičku diktaturu. Unatoč činjenici što je ona i uspostavljena, takav pristup odbacuje i zasluge antifašističke borbe za vraćanje matici zemlji teritorija koji su oteti prije i tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata, oslobođenje hrvatske nacije kolektivne krivnje za holokaust i genocid, sprečavanje obnove južnoslavenske državne zajednice pod vodstvom dinastije Karađorđevića i svrstavanje hrvatske nacije uz bok pobjedničkoj svjetskoj antifašističkoj koaliciji, a to jesu demokratske tekovine hrvatskoga antifašizma.
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The history of uprising in Nazi extermination camp in Sobibór told by the eye-witnesses who survived and escaped death. 27 testimonies of camp’s prisoners (including two of them who died in the gas chamber) represent over 300.000 of those who perished in Sobibor.
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A diary showing extreme experience of being one of 10 people hiding in a 6 square meter cellar. It is a testimony of survival in Kolomyia (today’s Ukraine) where after the liquidation of local ghetto, between winter 1942/43 and spring 1944 author, his wife and group of other Jews managed to escape the chase of Nazi functionaries. Apart from daily problems and complex relationships between the group of people shut and herded in the shelter, the diary refers to relations between Jews and Poles providing them their help.
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The story of seven Jews and a catholic priest who spent almost 5 months hidden in the basement in the ruins of Warsaw – city completely destroyed after Warsaw Uprising in 1944. Those “Robinson Crusoes of Warsaw” survived times of the terrific threat: human voices heard from the sewage system, first snow that shut off the ways to reach the food. They had to fight their own nature in extreme conditions and ceaseless danger. Due to their determination and sensitivity they managed to survive. After the liberation of Warsaw on January 17th 1945 they came out from their hideaway.
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A thrilling testimony of a Jewish doctor, direct witness of the Holocaust, who lost almost all his loved ones and spent 9 months hidden in an attic of the house inhabited by a Polish family. His testimony was written while hiding in Tłuste (today’s Ukraine) in 1943–44. Significant part of the memoirs is devoted to his prewar life and the situation of young Polish Jews in the 1930s. The part of the book related to the war time reflects the cruelty of aggressors and complicated relations between Jewish, Polish and Ukrainian people in the small cities of Podole region.
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An account made by 18 years old girl. Her Jewish origin was a death sentence but she managed to escape form ghetto in Końskie and survived the Holocaust “on the aryan papers” thanks to help she got from Poles. Her testimony is a vivid image of the everyday life under the Nazis and a frank, truthful study of the Polish-Jewish relations.
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Deeply touching and thrilling account of a Czech Jew. Glazar was one of only a few survivors of the Nazi death camp – Treblinka. He was transported to Treblinka in October 1942 and was one of the workers who sorted the belongings of those sent to the gas chambers. He survived several months working in the camp, knowing that he was working for a cause that killed thousands of Jews. On August 2, 1943, the prisoners of Treblinka broke out through a damaged gate during a revolt. While most of the escapees were arrested in proximity to the camp, Glazar escaped the area and made his way across Poland.
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Unique collection of accounts, diaries, memoirs, letters, reports, leaflets, press and literary works created in the Warsaw Ghetto. The material comes from an archive that Jews gathered during the war to document the life of Jewish community inside the Ghetto.
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The second book of Zoltán Kőrös is actually a continuation of his previous volume Muszkaföldön on prisoners of war in Russia. This time he presents interviews with soldiers and leventes (members of paramilitary youth organizations) from Upper Hungary forced during the last winter of World War II to the Third Reich where they were captured by the Western powers. Although not to such extent as war captives of the Soviets (not speaking about the dreadful fate of the Soviet soldiers in German captivity), the recallers were exposed to hunger, adverse weather conditions, diseases, and death also in the American, British, and especially in the French detention camps. In his large-volume introduction based on recalls, the author vivifies this world slowly passing into oblivion, and the roads leading to captivity. Both the captives and the captors are also touched on in the book, as well as the often burdensome, hindered return of the Hungarian captives to their homeland, to the towns and villages of the present South Slovakia. The main part of this publication is constituted of eight individual stories considered by the author as the most special, which describe to us the more or less forced journey of the captives to the Third Reich, until their return home.
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The Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism in 1968 has, without any hesitation, become one of the most important events in the history of the common state of Slovaks and Czechs. Its birth, the gradual maturation and hopes for a better future were interrupted by the brutal invasion of five Warsaw Pact armies, and of course subjected to the wings of the Soviet Union in August 1968. Moscow, with help of tanks, regained control over the industrially mostly developed country of its Eastern Bloc. Czechoslovakia would ounce again become the example of an ideal satellite. The Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism started during the time when the great powers, the Soviet Union and the United States of America, were trying to come to an agreement in détente politics. It proved to be unequivocal that this policy preserved the state from the Cold War. One of its main features was the mutual acceptance of the status quo by the great powers, whereas both great powers, Moscow and Washington, avoided interfering in the internal affairs of the Blocs. At first Moscow blessed the effort of the Czechoslovak revival, but as soon as Moscow evaluated this situation as the one that could violate the unity of its empire, it has decided to put an end of this process. Even if it might have initially seemed that Moscow hesitated to use its armed forces, well aware of the idleness and the lack of interest of the United States, Moscow finally did commit its armed forces, airplanes and tanks together with Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and East Germany. Its one and only task was to change Czechoslovakia to become an obedient foot-soldier and a strong component of the Eastern Bloc. Many books on Czechoslovak - or better to say Dubãek’s “Socialism with a human face” have been written. These books focuses mainly on internal development and attitudes of the Soviet Union and its European satellites. The Slovak, Czech and also foreign historiography have achieved quite amazing results regarding this topic. There are also many documents published in book form. Without any doubt, memories of the participants of that period have appeared in Slovakia and the Czech Republic after the “Velvet Revolution” from the beginning of 1990s. The purpose of this paper was not to provide a revision or summary of up-to-present available literature, but rather provide the attitude from a certain point of view. It is obvious from the title of the book that the main focus of this essay is the attitude of the United States of America, but also those of the West and the United Nations Organization. In reality there has not been such a compiled publication on the market until now. The attitude of the United States towards the Czechoslovak reform and towards its violent termination was influenced by several external factors. The most dominant ones were, for example, the Vietnam War, the effort to achieve the bipolar détente politics, and also the unimportance of a small Socialist country (Czechoslovakia) in the horizon of the American interest. When mentioned factors are taken into consideration, it is no wonder that the American attitude towards Czechoslovakia and its development after the year 1968 was as it was. Simply put, it was passive, unenthusiastic and uninterested. However, the American Administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson verbally accepted the Czechoslovak liberalism; but on the other hand, it did not help it at all. The United States publicly deplored the August invasion and the subsequent occupation of Czechoslovakia, but otherwise it did not interfere within the affairs. The United Sates evaluated the situation as the affair of the Eastern Bloc, which was not focused against the interests of the United States and the Soviet Union. However, the American attitude was well known as early as the invasion had been planned. This was also the reason why the Soviet Union acted as it did. The Soviet Union knew for sure that nobody would interfere in its policy of how to solve its internal problem. A similar reaction came also from the countries of the West. The verbal disagreement with the aggression was perceived more as a “good point” for the evaluation of the events in the future. The attitude of nonintervention is also not surprising, because of the fact that the structures of armed forces arrangement of the Atlantic Pact were only the “extended” hand of the main power, The United States of America. What was the role of the United Nations Organization? Actually, it declared its weakness, “toothlessness” and inability to retrieve injustice of the military conflict. There were no proposed resolutions of the Security Council approved in consequence of the Soviet veto, which should have deplored the invasion of Czechoslovakia at least by declaratory means. Though Czechoslovakia strongly protested via the “mouth” of its Minister of Foreign affairs in the United Nations in New York and asked for immediate troop withdrawal from its territory, Czechoslovakia alone backed out of the public forum very quickly after the strong pressure from Moscow. When investigating this issue, many questions emerge. One of these questions is: Whether Dubãek’s mission of “the human face” could have been successful? When the context of that period, the world politics of the Soviet Union and other external factors are being taken into consideration, the answer is no. Other generations of Slovaks and Czechs would later pay for that.
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The purpose of this work (book) shall not be an insight into the year 1968 in Slovakia by mapping in detail the development in this period in the economic area, as a certain static picture. The author’s attempt was rather to perceive the events in this year as the outcome of a long-term process, which was actually already determined by the results of WWII. Those results decided that the postwar Czechoslovakia shall belong to the Soviet sphere of influence. The events of February 1948 only confirmed this tendency. A change in the essential social spheres followed and it might be called its systematizm. Not only did the political system change, which was formed into a modern totalitarian form. In the economic area, there were substantial ownership changes and the state became the most significant owner of production means. Gradually, a management system was taken over, which copied the Soviet forms, and the social structure of the society changed almost completely. In Slovakia, the socialist industrialization of the country was happening after February in this connection, supported by the investment from national funds. The importance of industry was increasing; economic activity of the population was growing. The economic growth in the monitored decade in Slovakia was actually in such a state that it provided for advancing towards the level achieved in the Czech countries in relative indicators, but on the other hand, in some of the crucial indicators the absolute differences were growing – e.g. created national income per inhabitant. The problems in the economic development were pointed out by the Slovak economists in the long term and their criticism was also gradually adopted by Alexander Dubček. His critical appearance in September 1967 had actually become a prologue to the events which became known as the Czechoslovak Spring 1968. Naturally, the problems of economic development did not only exist in Slovakia, but on the national level as well, and the economic crisis from the first half of the 1960s began the Šik’s reform. This was gradually implemented but it had some negative effects on the Slovak side. In the course of 1968, all these problems were being solved dynamically, not only in the economic area. From the political point of view, there was an attempt to create „socialism with a human face“, but it was the development in 1968 that proved that the socialist system based on the totalitarian ideology was non-reformable. The following year was only a swan-song of the economic reform which was gradually denounced by the new regime representatives. For the following twenty years, the entire Czechoslovak economy was hereby denounced to stagnation and falling behind the developed western countries.
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Author’s goal in the presented monograph was to analyze the democratisation process in Czechoslovakia of that era, by taking into acount the development in Slovak part of Republic, which in that time had merely a status of a province. He could, however, not ignore the crutial tendencies, that were inherent in the whole Czechoslovak Republic or within the Soviet bloc, since the development in Slovakia was fundamentally infl uenced by these tendencies. In the presented book author is focusing on political evolution only, since separate publications dealing with the economic and cultural aspects in Slovakia of that period are synchronously prepared by other Slovak historians. The book is divided into fi ve chapters. First of them is dealing with the cautious and moderate liberalization in Slovakia during the so-called „pre-spring“ (1963–1967), since the revival process of 1968 had its evolution and did not came out from nowhere. In 1968, the democratic tendencies, that started some years before, were solely intensifi ed. The second chapter is analyzing the political development in Slovakia and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic during the fi rst months of 1968, when the promoters of reforms were strenghtening their power possitions and preparing the programme of reforms: the known Action Programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. A detailed analysis of this documment is an integral part of the second chapter. In the third chapter titled „Reformers and Conservativists“, the author’s ambition was to give an account of the complicated development taking place in the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia, which resulted from the polarization between the adherents of reforms on the one hand and their adversaries in the other hand. The reformers understood the necessity of modernisation of the Soviet-type socialism by perceiving and adopting global development trends in the world, especially the so-called third wave (scientifi c-technical revolution). They knew as well, that it is impossible to undertake such a step without democratization of not only the economic, but also the political system. The conservativists, concentrated mostly in the bureaucratic aparate of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia – the strongest part of the whole socialist political system, were deeply concerned about such a possibility. They were aware, that the democratization tendencies implemented in the economics and politics create a strong pressure on bureaucratic structures of the party-leadership and that their own political existence is strongly questionable by this fact. The fourth chapter is focused on the main question, that is: what is the reason for the fact, that the democratization process (actually processes) in the Czech and the Slovak parts of the Republic were going different ways? Both national communities were pursuing non-identical priorities of this movement, such as the revived civic society in both parts of the state acted differently and followed disparate goals. In order to fi nd an answer this question, the mentioned chapter is based on the analysis of the reasons and concrete symptoms of these differences. In this (and partly also in the fi rst) chapter, the author is paying some attention to the national minorities living in Czechoslovakia – the Hungarian, Ruthenian/Ukrainian, and the Roma-minority, and their perceptions of the reformation process. The fi fth (fi nal) chapter called „The end of reform“ is dealing with the culmination of the democratization process in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, with the failed attempt of the consolidation of this process initiated by the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. This chapter speaks also about the brutal attacks on Czechoslovak reform-attempt comming from the Warsaw-Pact states and about the military invasion of „Five“. The mentioned chapter of the book describes the adoption of the Act concerning the „temporary“ stay of Soviet military troops on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the mid-October 1968 – that means the legalization of occupation of the country.
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U godinama razaranja Jugoslavije ni od koga iz Srbije kao od Bogdana Bogdanovića nije toliko traženo da govori o drami koja se odigravala, i da svedoči u ime one Srbije "koja odbija fatalizme, i rata i mržnje, i bezizlaza" (M. Galić, 1992)1. I Bogdan Bogdanović je odgovarao na pozive koji su mu stizali sa najrazličnijih strana... Upitan nekoć da objasni svoje delo u vreme uskih specijalizacija: crtač i arhitekta, teoretičar arhitekture grada, pisac i filozof, graditelj metaforičnih grañevina i alegorijskih ambijenata – Bogdan Bogdanović je odgovorio: "Pisao sam da bih umeo da gradim, gradio sam da bih umeo da pišem". U pokušaju da se odredi mesto Bogdana Bogdanovića u istoriji srpske arhitekture, samo, dakle, u jednom od oblika njegovog polimorfnog stvaralaštva, rečeno je ono, što karakteriše čitavo to stvaralaštvo: "To je više uticaj ličnosti nego uticaj objekata, više primer kako treba misliti nego kako terba graditi" (Z. Manević, 1986).
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Kordun je područje oko rijeke Korane između Male Kapele na zapadu i Petrove gore na istoku. Ime je dobio prema francuskoj riječi cordon, što znači: vrpca, sistem, niz, red, stražarnica, granica. Cijeli Kordun gravitira prema Karlovcu. Zauzima područja bivših kotareva (srezova): Vojnić, Vrginmost i Slunj. To je veliki kraški ravnjak koji se odlikuje oblicima plitkog kraša s mnogobrojnim vrtačama i uvalama. U njegovom sjevernom dijelu se nalazi Petrova gora (507 n/m). Od Karlovca je udaljena 30 kilometara, okružena cestom Vojnić-Vrginmost-Topusko-Velika Kladuša-Krstinja-Vojnić. To je bjelogoričnom šumom obrasla površina od 10728 hektara. Njenu posebnu prirodnu vrijednost čine bistri žuboreći potoci, mnogobrojne duboko uvučene livade, pašnjaci, izvori dobre pitke vode i obilje šumskog cvijeća. Na svojim brežuljcima i uvalama ona krije 1700 grobova poginulih i umrlih partizanskih boraca NOR-a i 2504 žrtve ustaškog zločina genocida, bezbroj historijskih događaja, mnogo herojskih podviga, ljudskih sudbina, crnih marama i muka čudovišnih.
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Zločina i zločinaca uvijek je bilo, njih ima i danas i bit će ih sutra. To su neosporne činjenice s kojima čovjek današnjice računa kad živi i kad se priprema za budući život. U vrijeme kad smo na pragu postindustrijskog društva, kad strojevima dirigiranim sa zemlje čeprkamo po površinama dalekih nebeskih tijela, kad je čovjek uspješno koraknuo mjesečevim stijenama, kad osvajamo ono što je bilo i za maštu predaleko, na našoj planeti, tu gdje žive civilizirani narodi, prepuni su ambari opasnosti i stovarišta smrti. Čovjek očito, živeći u proturječnostima ideja i sistema, u različitim ekonomskim i društvenim uvjetima, nije siguran i mora stalno misliti otkud mu i kakva opasnost prijeti, tko će ga i kada napasti, kakve mu katastrofe sprema po svemu sličan čovjek‑brat, čovjek‑nebrat.
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The author presents a historical approach to the issue of the Polish national revival in the contemporary Vilnius region in the late 1980s and early 1990s, paying particular attention to the efforts aimed at establishing an autonomous Polish-speaking administrative unit within Lithuania. The theme of nationality policy in the countries of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is continually returning in the international public sphere. For political reasons, the events described in the book have historically been controversial and continue to affect bilateral relations between Poland and Lithuania; their origin is therefore well worth learning about.
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The friends from the title of this book are a group of female prisoners of KL Auschwitz-Birkenau (1943–1945), whose paths crossed several times during around two years of camp life in Birkenau. At different times they lived in one block of the women’s camp, slept in one bunk, together left Auschwitz to work in the Wolkenburg camp, and several of them escaped together from transport to Dachau, from a freight wagon, at the small German station of Weiden. Together they also survived one of the most beautiful, as they say, periods in their lives – a few months of miraculously regained freedom, spent in Weiden under the protection of the American army. Several of them also took a long, difficult journey home. Preserved memories of three of these friends – including the Mother of the book’s author, are the central axis of this essay. It presents the process of shaping the way of perceiving the world and the identity of individuals who came across actions aimed to annihilate human beings. They came into contact with the essence of a concentration camp, which was based on depriving people of all rights and even exterminating them. The approach chosen by the author is the biographical method which focuses on the study of what is individual, related to assessments, values, experiences. It is a book about trying to find an answer to the question of how it happened that some people expressed indescribable cruelty to other people and decided to dehumanize and annihilate them. The book is also about the forces you must find in yourself in order to survive such an experience and start living an ordinary life afterwards. The author’s intention is to bring the recorded memories of the Friends to a possibly wide audience, to the public sphere and also, or perhaps above all, to the consciousness of those whose way of thinking is far from scientific.
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