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This book is among the few deep analysis on Islam in the Bulgarian lands, written by a Bulgarian author. The analysis covers the origin of Islam in the Bulgarian lands, it's spreading there and its relation to cult objects according to the Life of Demir Baba and Otman Baba. Studies, like this one, are very important for the polemic and uncertain times we live in, because they can help us understand better the culture of part of the population of our countries. We are witnessing conflicts on ethnic basis, caused by misunderstanding or disinformation on processes that were being formed for centuries. Understanding this culture is important not only to ourselves but to the person standing next to us, for respecting each other, despite of the religious differences. In this book the author made serious attempt to give an answer to a polemic academic topics related to the Alevi(Alevism), like their origin, their destiny and the parallels of their historical and cultural memory in the present.
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This volume contains studies, articles and research reports dedicated to Prof. Petar Garenov and the 60-th anniversary of his death. In his life Prof. Garenov was part of the academic department of History and Archaeology of Povdiv University "Paisii Hilendarski". The title of the collection represents the person Prof. Garenov was - an outstanding theologian, Doctor of history, sculptor and painter, who received various awards in all these areas during his life. All the studies and articles in this volume cover a large area of topics and subjects in the spheres of History, Archaeology, Language and Literature. Some of the works contain illustrations and images used to support the arguments of a concrete author. All the Bulgarian and foreign authors of this edition are prominent scientists and experts in different scientific areas.
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This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes.This magazine is the English version of selected articles published in the pages of the review Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) ISSN 1802-8241, which is issued by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes. The original version of the journal Paměť a dějiny (Memory and History) is the part of CEEOL also.
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U Kraljevoj Sutjesci, stolnom mjestu bosanskih kraljeva i višestoljetnom staništu franjevaca, priređen je 17. i 18. listopada 2008. godine znanstveni skup “Stoljeća Kraljeve Sutjeske”. Vanjski povod bila je stota obljetnica izgradnje samostanske i župne crkve po projektu arhitekta Josipa Vancaša (1908). Ta se okolnost pokazala pogodnom prilikom za inventuru višestoljetne povijesti katolika i franjevaca sutješkoga kraja, počevši od vremena bosanske samostalnosti, preko višestoljetne vladavine Osmanlija, austro-ugarskog razdoblja – sve do najnovijeg vremena. Franjevci su u Kraljevoj Sutjesci trajno prisutni već sedam stoljeća. Djelovali su kao duhovnici, pisci, propovjednici, kroničari / svjedoci svoga doba, prosvjetitelji, liječnici, politički zastupnici katolika… Mijenjali su se gospodari, nailazili i prolazili osvajači, rušitelji i pljačkaši – samostan je živio svoje uspone i padove, procvate duhovnog i kulturnog rada i sušna vremena pukog preživljavanja, ali je, svemu usprkos, opstao! Osnovan je u prvoj polovici 14. stoljeća, razoren 1524, izgorio 1658, iznova izgrađen 1664, neko vrijeme prisilno napušten koncem 17. stoljeća, obnovljen 1821, dograđen 1833, i konačno sagrađen sadašnji 1892. godine. O njegovoj sedamstoljetnoj povijesti svjedoče kronike i drugi zapisi, knjižnica i arhiv, predmeti i djela primijenjene i likovne umjetnosti i sl. Blok tema o srednjovjekovlju posvećen je vladarskim ispravama izdanim u Sutjesci i na Bobovcu, njihovim jezičnim osobitostima, proglašenju Bosne kraljevstvom, stećcima sačuvanim u sutješkom kraju, slici uskrslog Krista i kralja Stjepana Tomaša, te vezama Bosne i Dubrovnika. U stoljećima osmanske vladavine, Kraljeva Sutjeska više nije imala ono političko značenje kao u vrijeme bosanske državne samostalnosti. Prestala je biti kraljevsko rezidencijalno sjedište, ali je ostala duhovno središte katolika i jedna od najvažnijih pastoralnih i kulturnih destinacija bosanskih franjevaca, a danas mjesto gdje su se ponajbolje sačuvali tragovi njihove višestoljetne prisutnosti. Stoga je niz referata posvećen kulturnom djelovanju bosanskih franjevaca, prije svega pisanoj riječi: ljetopisu sutješkoga samostana, latinskom pjesništvu, spisateljskim djelima nastalim u Sutjesci, ali također i prosvjetnom i školskom radu franjevaca u puku, uvjetima življenja pod osmanskom vlašću, kao i demografskoj slici katolika Sutjeske i okolice. Uz spomenuto, tematizirana su pitanja Bosne kao političke kategorije, karaktera i dometa crkvenog graditeljstva, tradicijskog nakita Hrvata sutješkoga kraja, jezična praksa franjevaca, ratna vremena…
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Normativni osnov Zaključka VSTV-a koji je izazvao burne reakcije je nesporan. VSTV nije prekoračio svoja ovlaštenja donošenjem Zaključka, suštinski se radi o interpretaciji važećih pravnih propisa u pravnom poretku. Ipak, sam smisao pravnih standarda je diskutabilan! Naime, ESLJP i normativni propisi Bosne i Hercegovine nisu uniformni. Sam ESLJP nema konzistentnu praksu koja nudi egzaktne odgovore na sporna pitanja uspostave standarda sekularne države. Smisao sekularne države jeste da vjera i država djeluju odvojeno. Prisustvo vjere u javnoj sferi nije aspolutno zabranjeno. Međutim, koncepcija sekularne države treba da bude prilagođena konkretnom društvu. Postavlja se pitanje interesa promocije vjere u javnoj sferi društva koje je prije dvije decenije krvavim sukobom rješavalo, između ostalog, i pitanje vjere. Krhka, ispunjena tenzijama Bosna i Hercegovina, treba maksimalno uvažavati princip harmonije, pluralizma i neutralnosti. Isticanjem vjerskih obilježja nosioci pravosudnih i javnih funkcija rizikuju sasvim opravdanu zebnju korisnika njihovih funkcija. Vjerska obilježja (nedvosmisleno) ukazuju na oficijelnu vezu institucija javne vlasti sa jednom religijskom skupinom i, eventulno jednim narodom, u društvu koje je pluralno. Sfera koja bi trebala da bude barjaktar slobode, neutralnosti, nepristrasnosti u post-konfliktnom društvu, u društvu u kojem vjerske zajednice nemaju častan historijat djelovanja proteklih decenija, biva patronizirana sve intenzivnijim religijskim uticajem. O uzroku se ne vodi polemika, a to je indikativno za odvojenost države od vjere. Pozivanje na tradiciju dozvoljenog nošenja vjerskih obilježja u javnoj sferi, za pravnike nema relevantan značaj. Tradicija ne podrazumijeva zabranu preispitavanja uvriježenih rituala i predstava. Ipak, Zaključak VSTV-a koji se odnosi na stranke i tužilaštvo, nema uporište u pozitivnim normama BiH! Ukoliko se za tužioce može pronaći analogan razlog legitimnost za uvođenje zabrane isticanja vjerskih obilježja, postavlja se pitanje koji je legitimni razlog, bez prethodno provedene javne debate, za zabranu nošenja vjerskih obilježja strankama, a bez pravnog osnova u nacionalnim normama?!
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Odluka Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog vijeća (VSTV) o zabrani isticanja vjerskih obilježja u pravosudnim institucijama BiH izazvala je i izaziva različite reakcije i interpretacije. Ona je u bosanskohercegovačkoj javnosti shvaćena prvenstveno kao zabrana nošenja hidžaba, što je za veliki dio muslimanske populacije neprihvatljivo jer se nošenje hidžaba shvaća kao vjerska obaveza, a neprihvatljiva je i za dio civilnog sektora jer u tome vide povredu temeljnih ljudskih prava, u ovom konkretnom slučaju prava žene. Zabrana nošenja hidžaba u javnim institucijama slične reakcije izaziva i u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i pokazuje da o značenju, ulozi i mjestu hidžaba ne postoji konsenzus ni unutar islamskih zajednica ni između tih zajednica i sekularne države. U specijalnom broju njemačkog mjesečnog časopisa za društvo i kulturu (Herder Korrespondenz) posvećenom temi suvremenog islama u Njemačkoj i u islamskim zemljama, između ostalog se govori i o značenju i ulozi i mjestu hidžaba u islamu. Dok je za jedne neprihvatljiva zabrana nošenja hidžaba u javnim institucijama jer se „hidžab ne može svesti na simbol“, jer je on „božanska zapovijed“ i jer bi „zabrana značila prisilno povlačenje žena koje ga nose iz javnog društvenog života“, za druge je „relikt prošlosti i arhaičnih društava“, nije vjerska obaveza već „sredstvo koje se zloupotrebljava u patrijarhalnim društvima za podčinjavanje žena“ . Uglavnom ova dva suprotstavljena stava karakteriziraju i rasprave o hidžabu u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ova odluka VSTV-a i reakcije koje su potom uslijedile pokazale su koliko je osjetljivo područje ljudskih i „vjerskih“ prava, kako o tome, unatoč i međunarodnim konvencijama i aktima, u pojedinačnim slučajevima ne postoji konsenzus između sekularne države i vjerskih zajednica ali ni unutar jedne te iste vjerske zajednice. Rasprave o odluci VSTV-a o zabrani isticanja vjerskih simbola u pravosudnim institucijama prilika su da se progovori i o drugim temama i problemima koji se tiču odnosa sekularne države i vjerskih zajednica, da se iznova otvore i one teme koje se smatraju završenima, počevši pritom od Zakona o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju Crkava i vjerskih zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini koji privilegira takozvane „tradicionalne“ Crkve i vjerske zajednice, zanemarujući prava manjinskih vjerskih zajednica i njihovih pripadnika, da spomenemo bar jedan „problem“ koji proizlazi iz tog zakona. Prilika je to da se progovori i o disharmoniji i napetostima ljudskih i vjerskih prava, teoloških principa i učenja određenih vjerskih zajednica i njihovih institucionalnih društveno-političkih interesa.
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S obzirom na značaj prava na slobodu vjere ili uvjerenja kao temeljnog ljudskog prava i potrebu da se osigura ravnopravnost svih građana BiH u pogledu zaštite i uživanja ovog prava, najvažniji pravni standardi koji uređuju položaj vjere u društvu uspostavljeni su na državnom nivou. Ustavni dokumenti BiH i njenih entiteta pružaju opće garancije vjerske slobode uz pozivanje na važnije međunarodne instrumente ljudskih prava ili njihovo izravno inkorporiranje. Ove opće garancije dalje su razrađene kroz Zakon o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju crkava i vjerskih zajednica i sporazume kojima se pobliže uređuju odnosi između pojedinačnih vjerskih zajednica i države. Općenito, može se kazati da su odredbe o slobodi vjere i njenog manifestiranja usklađene sa normama međunarodnog prava, da su veoma široko postavljene i da omogućavaju i pojedincima i vjerskim kolektivitetima, tj. crkvama i vjerskim zajednicama, da slobodno postupaju i djeluju u skladu sa vjerskim načelima uz uvjet da se time ne krše pozitivni zakonski propisi. Prema važećim pravnim standardima u BiH je sa snazi saradnički ili hibridni model uređenja odnosa između države i vjere. Suština ovog modela može se izraziti dvama načelima: (a) institucionalna i funkcionalna odvojenost države i crkava/ vjerskih zajednica i (b) saradnja države i crkava/ vjerskih zajednica na područjima od zajedničkog interesa koja se reguliše zakonima i posebnim sporazumima. Nedostatak izričitih ustavnih odredbi o odvajanju države i vjere nadomješten je Zakonom o slobodi vjere koji propisuje da niti jedna vjera u BiH ne može biti proglašena državnom, niti jedna crkva ili vjerska zajednica ne može uživati povlašten status u odnosu na druge te da su crkve i vjerske zajednice neovisne i samostalne u svom organiziranju i djelovanju. Također, praksa Ustavnog suda BiH potvrdila je da je odvajanje vjere, s jedne strane, i države i njenog pravnog sistema, s druge strane, suštinsko obilježje njihovog odnosa te osporila preferencijalistički tretman kojeg je Ustav RS, prije amandmanskih izmjena, pružao Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Premda su država i crkve odnosno vjerske zajednice suštinski odvojene, to ne isključuje mogućnost njihove saradnje na određenim poljima od zajedničkog interesa, kao što su odgoj i obrazovanje, kultura, socijalna zaštita, zdravstvo i dr. Takva saradnja pobliže se uređuje posebnim sporazumima, zakonima ili podzakonskim pravnim aktima. Dvije crkve, Katolička i Srpska pravoslavna, već su zaključile sporazume o saradnji sa državom, dok je Islamska zajednica na putu prema ostvarenju istog cilja. Da bi ispoštovala zakonske odredbe koje zabranjuju dodjeljivanje privilegovanog tretmana određenim crkvama ili vjerskim zajednicama, država je dužna u budućnosti omogućiti svim zainteresiranim vjerskim zajednicama da pristupe ugovornom reguliranju vlastitog položaja te vjerskih prava i sloboda svojih pripadnika.
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S obzirom na značaj prava na slobodu vjere ili uvjerenja kao temeljnog ljudskog prava i potrebu da se osigura ravnopravnost svih građana BiH u pogledu zaštite i uživanja ovog prava, najvažniji pravni standardi koji uređuju položaj vjere u društvu uspostavljeni su na državnom nivou. Ustavni dokumenti BiH i njenih entiteta pružaju opće garancije vjerske slobode uz pozivanje na važnije međunarodne instrumente ljudskih prava ili njihovo izravno inkorporiranje. Ove opće garancije dalje su razrađene kroz Zakon o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju crkava i vjerskih zajednica i sporazume kojima se pobliže uređuju odnosi između pojedinačnih vjerskih zajednica i države. Općenito, može se kazati da su odredbe o slobodi vjere i njenog manifestiranja usklađene sa normama međunarodnog prava, da su veoma široko postavljene i da omogućavaju i pojedincima i vjerskim kolektivitetima, tj. crkvama i vjerskim zajednicama, da slobodno postupaju i djeluju u skladu sa vjerskim načelima uz uvjet da se time ne krše pozitivni zakonski propisi. Prema važećim pravnim standardima u BiH je sa snazi saradnički ili hibridni model uređenja odnosa između države i vjere. Suština ovog modela može se izraziti dvama načelima: (a) institucionalna i funkcionalna odvojenost države i crkava/vjerskih zajednica i (b) saradnja države i crkava/vjerskih zajednica na područjima od zajedničkog interesa koja se reguliše zakonima i posebnim sporazumima. Nedostatak izričitih ustavnih odredbi o odvajanju države i vjere nadomješten je Zakonom o slobodi vjere koji propisuje da niti jedna vjera u BiH ne može biti proglašena državnom, niti jedna crkva ili vjerska zajednica ne može uživati povlašten status u odnosu na druge te da su crkve i vjerske zajednice neovisne i samostalne u svom organiziranju i djelovanju. Također, praksa Ustavnog suda BiH potvrdila je da je odvajanje vjere, s jedne strane, i države i njenog pravnog sistema, s druge strane, suštinsko obilježje njihovog odnosa te osporila preferencijalistički tretman kojeg je Ustav RS, prije amandmanskih izmjena, pružao Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Premda su država i crkve, odnosno vjerske zajednice suštinski odvojene, to ne isključuje mogućnost njihove saradnje na određenim poljima od zajedničkog interesa, kao što su odgoj i obrazovanje, kultura, socijalna zaštita, zdravstvo i dr. Takva saradnja pobliže se uređuje posebnim sporazumima, zakonima ili podzakonskim pravnim aktima. Dvije crkve, Katolička i Srpska pravoslavna, već su zaključile sporazume o saradnji sa državom, dok je Islamska zajednica na putu prema ostvarenju istog cilja. Da bi ispoštovala zakonske odredbe koje zabranjuju dodjeljivanje privilegovanog tretmana određenim crkvama ili vjerskim zajednicama, država je dužna u budućnosti omogućiti svim zainteresiranim vjerskim zajednicama da pristupe ugovornom reguliranju vlastitog položaja te vjerskih prava i sloboda svojih pripadnika.
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In the first part of the collective monograph its authors focused on the traditionally understood issues of the life and work of Ľudovít Štúr. They see him as a teacher, thinker, codifier of the standard language and leader of the Slovak national movement in the nineteen forties. They summarize older and bring new knowledge about his family background, political thinking, opinions on Slavonic patriotism, reflection of his figure among historians or in period lexicons. The first chapter written by Martin Kováč presents the relation of Ľ. Štúr to the Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession. It served to him as a platform for his fight for the revival of the Slovak nation. Štúr criticized not only a growing influence of magyarization but also of rationalism, superficiality and formalism which struck the Church. Eva Kowalská brought to the foreground the relationship between two prominent families in Uhrovec – the aristocratic family of Zays counts and teacher´s family of Samuel Štúr which the founder of Slovaks´ national movements, Ľ. Štúr, comes from. Both families were tied by personal relations which significantly changed in the course of time. The paper has been drawn up based on archival sources not used so far bringing new knowledge to clarify personal motivations, actions and attitudes of Ľudovít Štúr and his significant opponent Karol Zay. József Demmel reveals a political background of the codification of the standard Slovak language. Gyorgy Kossuth, the uncle of the Hungarian liberal politician Lajos Kossuth, played an important role in it. He belonged to a group of nobility and low nobility (zemianstvo) of the Slovak origin which refused social and political reforms and therefore from its conservative position it declared its support to the Slovak national movement. It was its influence that led Ľ. Štúr to a decision to codify a new standard language and to issue political newspapers in it. The following papers study in different optics the phenomenon of Slavonic integration. The text by Marcela Bednárová points out two major typical traits of Štúr´s concept of Slavonic idea – it is mapping the development of philosophic-mythological and socio-political opinions. According to the author both lines existed in symbiosis and without any contradictions. The paper by Karol Kantek and Eva Kowalská is about the life story of the last Štúr´s (Serbian) student and follower Kosta Kostić: it is in the form of a detective search for a forgotten figure of the past which can be interpreted in the context of inter-Slavonic relations – with ties to the Slovak, Serbian, Russian and Czech environment. Marcel Martinkovič, on the other hand, brings the reader back to the issues concerning theories, concepts and visions – he follows the development of Ľ. Štúr´s opinions on Slavonic patriotism, Europe and Russia. According to his opinion in the after-revolution period Štúr was even messianicly fixed to the Tsarist Russia seen by him as the only guarantor of a spiritual progress and freedom of the Slavs. The chapter written by Alica Kurhajcová shows a portrayal of Ľ. Štúr in Hungarian historiography at the end of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century. The author paid attention in particular to the publications of the Hungarian historian and publicist Lajos Steier who dedicated himself to the development of the Slovak issue in Hungary. By analyzing his work she deals not only with interpretation of Štúr, his personage, characteristics and politics but also the period context. The second part of the monograph represented by a larger number of papers is aimed at the so-called second life, i.e. afterlife of Ľ. Štúr. The authors look into the phenomenon of Štúr as a symbol paying attention to its significance for the formation of (collective) historical memory and identity, its use within museum practice, school teaching, art and culture etc. The chapter written by Jana Pácalová deals with the formation of the picture of Ľ. Štúr in the second half of the 19th century. It follows rhetoric and narrative strategies in journalism and in the selected memoire texts of his contemporaries with respect to the categories of memory, identity and subject. It is focused on the reconstruction of Štúr´s biography according to the social demand with the aim to institutionalize collective memory of Štúr. The biography of Ľ. Štúr written by his close associate and friend Jozef Miloslav Hurban of 1881 – 1884 can be considered as such text. Sylvia Hrdlovičová deals with the planning, implementation and placement of two gravestones to the grave of Ľudovít Štúr in the cemetery in Modra. The first gravestone was fixed and funded from the national collection in 1872 and the second one, a complex sepulchral site was definitely completed in 1964. The paper pays attention to public manifestation gatherings at the grave, celebrations of Štúr after 1918 and creation of other memorials devoted to Ľ. Štúr in the territory of Modra. The chapter of Daniela Kodajová is similarly focused and it analyzes celebrations and commemoration ceremonies related to the personage of Ľ. Štúr. The author attaches a big national-identification and national-integration importance to them. Peter Macho concentrated in this regard on a concrete personality as a public speaker at celebrations devoted to Štúr: he analyzes messages of ceremonial speeches and lectures of Bishop Samuel Štefan Osuský who was also the chairman of the Štúr Lutheran Society. Ľuboš Kačírek gives insight into the beginnings of the formation of Slovak collecting aimed at the personality of Ľ. Štúr, collecting of tangible relics related to his personality from the nineteen sixties within the Matica slovenská (Slovak Source) and Slovak Museum Society. In 1965, at the occasion of celebrations of his 150th anniversary, museums of Ľ. Štúr were founded in Uhrovec and Modra. This period covers also the construction of a memorial Štúr log cabin in Kohlwald in the Levočská valley and its exhibition was opened to the public only in May 1974. Further development of museum exhibitions related to the Štúr generation was initiated by the Matica slovenská and its department Slovak Literature Memorial (later the Literature-Museum Department). According to Beáta Mihalkovičová the foundation of Ľ. Štúr Museum in Modra was affected from the very beginning by a struggle for its character and priority orientation. The town of Modra suggested that a district museum of national history should be established and named by Ľ. Štúr but the academia and scientists, on the other hand, planned the foundation of a specialized personal museum of national significance devoted exclusively to Ľ. Štúr. The conflict lasted for several years and ended by a compromise. There was another conflict with regard to the concept of presentation of Ľudovít Štúr, whether the exhibition should concentrate only on the personality of Štúr or it should be placed into a quite broad literary and language context. Jozef Ambruš stood behind the birth of the museum, designed the introductory exhibition, as well as the libretto and scenario of the first permanent exhibition, however, it was implemented according to the scenario of Imrich Sedlák and lasted from 1978 to 2006. Adelaida Mezeiová analyzed Slovak language and literature textbook for secondary schools. The textbooks supported the creation of the portrayal of Ľ. Štúr as an ideal, charismatic leader, great organizer of the national life, excellent linguist and a man devoted to higher goals ready to give up his personal life in favour of a lofty ideal. The textbooks compared proved the thesis that the subject of Slovak language at school education had the effect of a state-forming and nation-forming subject and was prioritized within the system of school subjects. According to Juliana Beňová, Ľ. Štúr played an important role in the activities of Slovak non-professional actors in the mid-19th century. He supported theatre also in his newspapers, published theatre critical reviews and art news. He appeared on the stage of professional theatre in the 20th century as a drama character. Not only his fate but also the lives of other protagonists of the national history revived on the stage while their creators presented them in various ways – from a traditional visualisation of the personality through accentuation of mysterious life moments up to reinterpretation and demystification of the fates of Slovak Romanticists. In her paper, Katarína Beňová deals with the portraying of Ľ. Štúr, his followers and other representatives of nationally active intelligentsia by Slovak artists (Jozef Božetech Klemens, Peter Michal Bohúň) while she emphasizes the ties of Slovak painters with the Czech patriotic environment of the 19th century. It shows, inter alia, a so far unknown portrait of Jozef Miloslav Hurban from Hungarian collections. Zbyšek Šustek maps the figure of Ľ. Štúr from numismatic point of view. It was for the first time that Martin Benka chose Štúr as a leitmotif on several designs of a twenty crown note in the early nineteen forties. It was for composition reason that his portrait was finally placed on a ten crown note in 1944. Later on he was portrayed on two commemorative coins and two banknotes. During the process of their preparation, however, he appeared on a large number of ideological designs of a legal tender. Štúr also appeared as a frequent motif of the designs of themes for the Slovak side of euro coins, however, other motifs won in the public survey. Commemorative and numismatic coins issued at the occasion of his bicentennial celebration in 2015 was the last opportunity to portray him on a legal tender.
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Seit dem Mittelalter war das nordöstliche Teil des Königreichs Ungarn ein Grenzgebiet von drei ethnisch-sprachlichen Gemeinschaften, der ruthenischen/russinischen, slowakischen und ungarischen. Außerdem hat sich in diesem Raum die westliche, lateinische kirchliche Tradition mit der östlichen, byzantinisch-slawischen getroffen. Im Unterschied zum westlichen Europa haben sich in diesem Milieu im Rahmen des Prozesses der Konfessionalisierung nicht drei, sondern fünf Konfessionskirchen etabliert. Die inneren Migrationen auch innerhalb eines Komitats bewirkten hier die Veränderungen an der ethnischen und konfessionellen Karte. Nach den ständischen Aufstände und Verdrängung des Osmanischen Reiches aus Ungarn blieben weitläufige Teile der nordöstlichen Komitate entvölkert. Die Migration der Ruthenen/Russinen vom gebirgigen, wenig fruchtbaren Norden nach Süden, die sich am Ende des 17. und in erster Hälfte des 18. Jahrhundert in Bewegung setzte, hat einen enormen Ausmaß erreicht, sodass für seine Bezeichnung man in der Literatur eine Metapher über die „Ausuferung des ruthenischen Flusses“ finden kann. Die Massenmigration der sozialen Gruppe, die in Quellen unter den Namen Rutheni (lateinisch), Oroszok (ungarisch), Rusnáci (slowaksich), Ruthenen (deutsch) auftauchen, hat zur Erweiterung der griechisch-katholischen Kirchenorganisation in das Milieu der katholischprotestantischen Konfrontation geführt. Gleichzeitig haben sich im Rahmen der Migration die Ruthenen in die ethnisch slowakische und ungarische Umwelt ausgeweitet. Vor dieser Massenwelle war das nordöstliche Ungarn horizontal in drei relativ kompakten ethnisch-konfessionellen Gebieten geteilt. Am deutlichsten sieht man es am Beispiel des Zempliner Komitats, das sich von der polnischen Grenze bis zum Tokayer Gebirge erstreckt. In seinem nördlichen Drittel hat das ruthenische und konfessionell griechisch-katholische Element überwogen, im mittleren Teil dominierten die Slowaken, die konfessionell zwischen Römisch-katholische, Lutheraner und Kalvinisten geteilt waren. Auf den breiten Streifen der gemischten, slowakisch-ungarischen Dorfer knüpfte das ethnisch ungarische Milieu mit der Vorherschaft der reformierten Konfession an. Die empirische Forschung ist auf den Gebiet der Komitaten Zemplen, Scharos und Zips im nordöstlichen Ungarn fokussiert. Im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert gab es hier eine der höchsten Konzentration an lokalen Gemeinschaften mit vier Kirchengemeinden und mit drei ethnischen Gruppen. Im Laufe des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts formte sich hier, an Peripherie, ein Zwischenraum mit einer außergewöhnlichen Intensität der interethnischen und interkonfessionellen Kommunikation. Sie führte zur Formgebung des sozialen Milieus mit ausgeprägter Pluralität nicht nur im Rahmen einer größeren geographischen Einheit, sondern auch in kleinen Lokalgemeinschaften. Sie prägte die soziale Realität in einem breiten Streifen der Dörfer mit vier Kirchengemeinden und drei Ethnien. Jede Kirchengemeinde hatte eigene liturgische Sprache und auch andere Schrift – die Lutheraner das Tschechische, die Griechisch-katholischen das Kirchenslawische, die Römisch-katholischen das Lateinische, die Kalvinisten das Ungarische und in etwa 20 Dorfer auch den Zempliner Dialekt. Die Unterschiede bestanden auch im Kalender und Kirchenfeiertage, in Formen der Religiosität und Volksfrömmigkeit. Der soziale Status der Priester, die Form der Rekrutierung und Qualität der theologischen und katechetischen Bildung war bei den griechisch-katholischen Popen lange Zeit niedriger, als in den übrigen Konfessionskirchen. Die kulturanthropologischen Forschungen über die gegenseitigen Kontakte und Beziehungen von verschiedenen sozialen Gruppen haben eindeutig gezeigt, dass die ethnischen, religiösen, sozialen und anderen Arten von Gruppen in den Vorstellungen der Menschen hierarchisch abgestuft sind. Jeder Gruppe ist in der hierarchischen Struktur eine bestimmte Stelle vorbehalten, von welchem sie sich in erster Linie um sich selbst und um die höher stehenden Gruppen interessiert. Die Gruppen der Minoritätsoder Subordinationsstellung nimmt man als uninteressant und minderwertig. Diese Erscheinung ist in der Soziologie gut bekannt und man ordnet sie zu den universalen Figurationen. Eine soziale Gruppe, die über größere Macht verfügt, schafft über sich selbst ein positiveres Bild, als über die schwächere Gruppe(n). Bei ihren Mitgliedern befestigt sich die Überzeugung, dass sie nicht nur stärker ist, sie besitzt im ökonomischen, sowie symbolischen Sinne mehr Kapital und deswegen entwickelter und wertvoller ist. Norbert Elias nannte diese Figuration Etablierten– Außenseiter. Die Quelle der Macht, die diese Dominanz ermöglichen, können unterschiedlicher Art sein – rassische, religiöse, ethnische, sozialer Ursprung, usw. Es besteht aber noch eine spezifische Begünstigung, die lange Zeit außer Betracht blieb, und zwar die Altertümlichkeit des Wohnens an einem konkreten Gebiet. Wie sieht es aber aus mit der Plausibilität der Etablierten– Außenseiter Paradigma unter Bedingungen einer ausgeprägten, durch die Migration zugefügten Pluralität? In Situationen, wenn die lokale Gemeinschaft aus drei, oder mehr sozialen Gruppen bestand, war die Dominanz des Stärkeren nicht so eindeutig und ausgeprägt. Die Kommunikation war schon in der ersten Generation nach der Ansiedlung intensiv sogar in solchen Bereichen, die üblicherweise mittels der Distanzierung und Stigmatisierung ausgeschlossen sein sollten: Mischehen, Konversionen oder in einer „fremden“ Kirchengemeinschaft praktizierte Frömmigkeit. Bei der Suche nach den Ursachen der leichteren Durchlässigkeit von interethnischen und interkonfessionellen Grenzen muss ein Faktor besonders hervorgehoben werden, der vom Anfang die sozialen Bindungen zwischen den Altangesessenen und Zugewanderten geprägt hat und zwar die große Entvölkerung. Im Zempliner Komitat war im Jahre 1715 nur jede dritte Bauernschaft bewohnt, etliche Dörfer fanden die Konskriptoren vollkommen entvölkert. Die Depopulation hat in diesem Zwischenraum die Desintegration der Familien- und Nachbarnbindungen, sowie der anderen sozialen Netzwerke in der Gemeinde verursacht. Der Vorteil, über den normalerweise die sozial geschlossene, miteinander gebundene Gruppe der alten Bewohner gegenüber der meistens heterogenen Masse der Zugewanderten verfügt, wurde erheblich entkräftet. Bei Wiederherstellung der Siedlungsstruktur war eine konsequente, distanzierende Einstellung der „ursprünglichen“ von den „neuen“ nicht zu erhalten. Eine wichtige Voraussetzung für das Durchdringen der ruthenen in die neuen Gebiete hat die Ungwarer Union im Jahre 1646 geschafft. Sie hat die kirchenrechtlichen und theologischen Grenzen zwischen den Gläubigen des lateinischen und des byzantinisch-slawischen Ritus abgeschafft, die Voraussetzungen auch für die Relativierung und Milderung der kulturellen und mentalen Barrieren gelegt und ihren Konfliktpotential reduziert. Einige Unterschiede zwischen der östlichen und der westlichen kirchlichen Tradition haben jedoch zur Entstehung von verschiedenen Figurationen. Am deutlichsten sieht man die Tendenz zur Entgrenzung der konfessionellen Identität an der Zahl der konfessionell gemischten Ehen und an unterschiedlichen Modellen der Kindererziehung in konfessionell heterogenen Haushalten. Die gesetzliche und gleichzeitig auch kirchenrechtliche Norm, die diese Situation regulieren sollte war die Reverspflicht. Vor der Eheschließung musste der nichtkatholische Partner einen Revers unterschreiben, in dem er mit der katholischen Erziehung aller Kinder zugestimmt hat. Die Verletzungen unterlagen einer strengen Strafverfolgung. Der Staatsapparat war in manchen Gebieten, unter anderem im Zempliner und Scharoscher Komitat, nicht imstande, die Achtung dieser Norm konsequent durchzusetzen. Es zeugen darüber die regelmäßigen Berichte der Bischofe und der Komitatsverwaltung an die Statthalterei, in welchen die Zahlen der Verletzungen angegeben waren. Die Skale der Losungen war ziemlich breit, von der Akzeptanz einer Konfession für alle Kinder, was aber nicht immer die katholische war, unterschiedliche Erziehung der Töchter und Söhne, Befolgung des ältesten, oder mindestens eines Sohns in der Vatersglaube u.a. Manche Eltern haben die Frage noch spektakulärer gelöst. Sie haben ihre Kinder nur taufen lassen und alle anderen Sakramente (Kommunion, Firmung, Konfirmation u.s.w.) auf die Zeit verlegt, als ihre Kinder selbst die Entscheidung treffen könnten, zu welcher Konfessionskirche sie angehören wollen. Ausmaß der Einhaltung des Reverses und die konkrete Lösung der Frage der kirchlichen Zugehörigkeit der Kinder haben die folgenden Faktoren geprägt: Fähigkeit der protestantischen Altbewohner ihre „Dominanz“, im Betreff an ihr ökonomisches und symbolisches Potential gegenüber dem griechisch-katholischen Teil der Lokalgemeinschaft zu behaupten, die Aktivität und soziale Prestige der lokalen Geistlichen und die soziale Prestige der Ehepartner. Das Toleranzpatent hat diese Frage gesetzlich neu geregelt, in dem die männlichen Nachkommen eines protestantischen Vater in seiner Konfession fortsetzen könnten. Bei allen anderen Fällen war der Vorzug der staatlichen Religion behalten. Von den konfessionellen Gruppen haben bei den Mischehen die griechisch-katholischen Partner die stärkste Tendenz dem Druck der Umgebung in der Sache der konfessionellen Zugehörigkeit der Kinder zu unterlegen. Man sieht es auch an der Zahl der durch die Ehe motivierten Konversionen. Die schwächere Resistenz der Griechisch-katholischen hing mit ihrer niedrigeren sozialen Stellung, mit der asymmetrischen sozialen Struktur und Absenz der politischen und ökonomischen Elite. Besonders in einer Minderheitsstellung im Rahmen der Lokalgemeinschaft waren sie oft auch mit der Wahrnehmung der „neuen“, „nicht autochthonen“ Glaube konfrontiert. Zusammen mit dem verspäteten Verlauf der Disziplinierung des Klerus waren diese Tatsachen bei den kirchenrechtlichen Streiten, zwischen dem römischkatholischen und griechisch-katholischen Klerus instrumentalisiert. Im den nächsten Generationen hat sich die asymmetrische soziale Schichtung in den gemischten lokalen Gemeinschaften gelockert und unter den wohlhabenden Bauern waren auch die Griechisch-katholischen ausgeprägter vertreten. In gleicher Zeit, etwa seit den 80er Jahren des 18. Jahrhunderts hat sich auch die Qualität des griechisch-katholischen Klerus, ihre theologische Vorbereitung, ökonomische Sicherstellung dem lateinischen Klerus wenn nicht ausgeglichen, dann mindestens wesentlich annähert haben. Die Unterschiede zwischen dem julianischen und dem gregorianischen Kalender und in Kirchenfeiertagen stellten eine andere Herausforderung für die interkonfessionelle Kommunikation. Die lokalen Gemeinschaften haben nach einem solchen Model gestrebt, das die religiöse Identität keiner der betroffenen Kirchengemeinde verletzen oder verunsichern würde. Die schmutzigen und schweren Feld- und Hausarbeiten hat man in den Feiertagen, egal welcher Kirchengemeinde nicht gemacht, damit es nicht zu den Vorfällen kam, dass ein Teil des Dorfes in die Kirche geht, während der andere sich an ihren Feldern abmüht. Es entstanden verschiedene lokalen Normen, die bei der Lösung dieses Problems die demographische und soziale Schichtspaltung der Dorfgemeinde, die Einstellung der Pfarrer, der Landesherren, die Häufigkeit der Mischehen und andere Faktoren berücksichtigt haben. Oft standen die religiösen Bedürfnisse der Dorfgemeinde im Gegensatz mit den Interessen der Landesherren, für welche die doppelte Zahl der Feiertage die wirtschaftliche Effektivität negativ beeinflusst hat. Seit 1780er Jahren hat der Staat die Maßnahmen zur Regulierung dieses Problems unternommen. Die josephinischen Verordnungen, sowie die späteren Versuche von Kaiser Franz den Zweiten, die den gregorianischen Kalender auf dem ganzen Gebiet der Monarchie einführen wollten gehörten zu den Gesetzen, die nicht durchgesetzt werden könnten. Aber die Unterschiede im kirchlichen Kalender waren auch zur demonstrativen Präsentation der symbolischen Dominanz und der religiösen Überlegenheit instrumentalisiert. Es könnte um individuelle Aktivitäten der Einzelpersonen gehen, sowie um gemeinsame Demonstration der Obermacht von der Seite der ganzen Kirchengemeinde, an der Spitze mit dem Pfarrer oder dem Landesherr. Die leichte Durchlässigkeit der konfessionellen Grenzen äußerte sich auch in der Rezeption von Elementen der barocken Frömmigkeit wie Rosenkranzgebet, Litaneien oder Kreuzwegandacht verbreiteten sich auch unter den Gläubigen des östlichen Ritus. Neben der „Barockisierung“ der Ikonostasen fand man in griechisch-katholischen Kirchen oft Statuen oder Nebenaltäre vor. Der westlichen Tradition nach passte man zudem auch das liturgische Kleid, die Länge der Bärte und des Haares an. Dieser Prozess der Akkulturation intensivierte sich nach der Synode in Zamość (1720), an welcher die griechisch-katholischen Bistümer im Königreich Polen die Dekrete des Tridentinums angenommen und dem östlichen Ritus angepasst. Die Beschlusse der Synode in Zamość waren ein paar Jahre später auch für das griechischkatholische Bistum in Munkacs obligatorisch. Der griechische Ritus hat im 18. Jahrhundert den Übergang aus der konfessionell homogenen Welt in das Milieu der konfessionellen Pluralität geschafft. Die Etablierung der dritten, in manchen Ortschaften gar der vierten Konfessionskirche, der griechisch-katholischen Kirche, hat dabei die interkonfessionelle Kommunikation tiefgreifend beeinflusst. Während in den bikonfessionellen Lokalgesellschaften die sozialen Normen zur konfessionellen Homogenisierung geführt haben, auf dem breiten Gebiet des nordöstlichen Ungarns eine solche Entwicklung unausführbar war. Die intensive interethnische und interkonfessionelle Kommunikation, die infolge der massiven Depopulation und Migration fasst eine demographische Notwendigkeit war, führte nicht nur zur einer schnellen Entgrenzung der kulturellen Unterschiede, sondern auch, wie man es am Beispiel der slowakisch und ungarisch sprechenden ruthenen, also Griechisch-katholischen sehen kann, zu ihrer Hybridisierung. Infolge der sprachlichen Assimilation der ruthenischen Migranten hat sich der homogene ethnische Charakter der Ecclesia Ruthenica verändert. Die Korrelation der ethnischen und religiösen Identität blieb aber noch lange Zeit den griechisch-katholischen Gläubigen inhärent. Die Tendenz der stärkeren sozialen Gruppe, die Kontakte seinen Mittglieder mit den „anderen“ zu stigmatisieren war in dem vorgestellten „Zwischenraum“ von Anfang an wesentlich geschwächt. Im langfristigen Horizont führte es zur Formgebung einer Art der Mentalität, für die ein hohes Maß der Toleranz und Resistenz gegenüber der konfessionellen oder nationalen Mobilisierung charakteristisch war.
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If there is an author with whom all the volumes of the dominant philosophical style in Byzantium can be covered at a high level, if we want to enter this style through the work of a single philosopher, his name without any doubt is Maximus the Confessor. In every aspect - in a meaningful, structural and methodological perspective - he should be regarded as the father of Byzantine philosophy and of Byzantine theology in general, so his significance for the East is comparable only to Augustine's importance for Western culture.
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Charles Darwin: The founder of the theory of natural selection declared that he was a believer till 1859, when his well-known book The Origin of Species was published. After his death, in 1882, he was honoured by a burial in the Westminster Abbey. However, as his notes prove, he had never thought of betraying science for the sake of religious reasons. He had already written in 1838 that: “The great break in the organic chain between man and his nearest allies, which cannot be bridged over by any extinct or living species, has often been advanced as a grave objection to the belief that man is descended from some lower form; but this objection will not appear of much weight to those who, from general reasons, believe in the general principle of evolution”. This “great break” between men and animals, between Civilization and Natural Selection: this is what we shall make an effort to bridge over in this book.
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Though formed a year ago, the Serbian government is still at the beginning – it has not yet adopted a systemic program or strategy. The structures in power are in permanent election campaign having an eye on their ratings on the one hand and demonization of the former government on the other. The biggest party of the ruling coalition, SNS, spares not even its coalition partners from criticism. SNS populist rhetoric is mainly after promoting Vice-Premier Aleksandar Vučić. The predominant populism is best exemplified by the arrest of suspects in “the struggle against corruption” and the “socially-oriented” budget for the year 2013 that subsidizes health insurance of a larger circle of citizens. All this gives rise to speculations about early elections, which are not to be ruled out. Aleksandar Vučić manifests a growing ambition to hold all the reins of power. He already controls all security services. Hence, citizens are under the impression that he is the most powerful man in Serbia. The steps the government has taken so far do not indicate its intention to reform the security sector; on the contrary, they indicate an ambition to strengthen partisan control over it. They neither indicate a plan for setting up permanent anti-corruption institutions and mechanisms. Primarily through the media controlled by parts or entire security services corruption is used for political showdowns and elimination of business competition. The security sector that has not undergone reform, operating under half-finished and legally discordant system of the democratic control and with cadres compromised on corruption will be unable to meet ambitious duties that have been allegedly imposed on it.
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U razvojnim tokovima srpske filozofske i teološke misli – kao i političke ili društvene misli – organska ili organicistička misao svakako nije neka nepoznata komponenta. Dok je srpska liberalna ili socijalistička misao – posebno kasnije marksistička misao – relativno dobro sistematizovana i proučena, organicistička misao je ostala na neki način po strani i reklo bi se da nije privukla pažnju kakvu nesumnjivo zaslužuje. Kada je već osamdesetih godina XX veka došlo do sloma mnogih idejnih tokova i političkih koncepata, zanimanje za srpsku organicističku misao ne samo da je poraslo već je ona doživela neku vrstu renesanse – barem njeni sledbenici tako kažu – i iznova je postala aktuelna. Verovatno je to bio razlog mnogih nesporazuma oko definisanja i redefinisanja te misli, posebno nesporazuma oko termina koji bi bili najprikladniji. Ta misao se u nekim slučajevima određuje u krugu filozofske misli kod Srba, u drugim pak, što je ispravnije, ona se izučava uporedo sa drugim tokovima misli. Uglavnom nedostaje njeno sistematičnije izučavanje, iako su neka istraživanja do sada dala solidne rezultate. Sve do danas, međutim, mogu se sresti neke definicije naglašeno ideološki intonirane, što naravno smeta u pokušajima njenog pravilnog definisanja. U drugim kulturama – kod Rusa i Francuza, posebno – tih problema, reklo bi se, nema. Kada E. Sioran određuje prirodu utemeljivača francuske organicističke misli, on svom radu daje podnaslov Esej o reakcionarnoj misli.
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This book shares papers from a conference taking a deeper look at the victims of ISIS and beyond that all religious minorities of Iraq. This is the first book that considers all the religious minorities that existed in modern Iraq, including both historic communities and new groups that recently came with labour migration, especially to the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan. The book resulted from a conference in 2018 organized exactly at the site of the Simele Massacre in 1933. The campus of the American University of Kurdistan is located on the site of the first big massacre against a religious minority in Iraq. The conference entitled ‘Beyond ISIS: Minorities and Religious Diversity in Iraq and the Future of Êzîdî, Christians, Shabak, Yarsan, Mandeans and other Religious Minorities in the Middle East’ brought together Iraqi and international scholars, activists, and religious and community representatives. This book contains papers presented at the conference that included contributions on Iraq’s religious diversity and the historical and contemporary consequences of genocide and persecution on the religious minorities of Iraq.
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The excavation of the church cemetery in the north-eastern suburb at Pohansko near Břeclav took place between 2008 and 2012 as part of long-term systematic research into the site which is considered to be on a par with the most important centres of Great Moravia. The field work followed after the unexpected and surprising discovery of an early medieval rotunda which is the second religious structure to be uncovered at Pohansko (Macháček – Balcárková – Čáp et al. 2014). The new research activities in the north-eastern suburb can be divided into three main excavation areas – the Great Moravian rotunda, the church cemetery and the adjoining residential and/or production precinct of the whole settlement area. So far, the greatest attention has been paid to the church which, after the quarter of a century that has passed since the last similar find, augmented the unique and historically valuable group ofthe earliest religious and stone-wall architecture within the territory of the Czech Republic. The discovery has been comprehensively covered by a number of dedicated studies (Čáp – Dresler – Macháček et al. 2010; Macháček 2011; Macháček – Balcárková – Čáp et al. 2014). The excavation of the settlement related to the church has not yet been completed and as such is only marginally mentioned in this monograph. The main focus is aimed at the cemetery where excavation work finished in 2012. The necropolis falls within the category of church cemeteries as defined by Bořivoj Dostál (Dostál 1966, 15–17), and thus belongs to the group of the most valuable funeral heritage monuments from the period of Great Moravia. Its publication signifies the end of the second stage of the most recent archaeological research in the north-eastern suburb at Pohansko.
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The reports in the "Euromonitor" series aim at independent and objective monitoring of the implementation process of the Republic of Moldova - European Union Action Plan. The actions adopted and implemented by both signatories of the Plan will be monitored quarterly. The action plan is a complex document, structured in 7 chapters, which provides for the implementation of about 300 actions, some defined more or less precisely, others very ambiguous. Unable to monitor such a complex document, the authors of "Euromonitor" focused on priority actions, identified in the Action Plan itself.
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Sociology as the main concern appears in the works included in the book Razumijevanje društva (Understanding of society) which arised as a result of academic teamwork and cooperation. One of the goals for making and publishing this book is to focus on some of the principal areas of sociology in the manner that it will include the scientific and research fields of the authors of the Department of Sociology, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo. The book represents theoretical insights into some of the most important sociological disciplines. In the context of sociological perspectives, the works include the nature and understanding of society, a theory of society with a focus on the approach to sociology as a specific science with its subject and methods. From the point of view of the individual in society, the works are conceived in a way to present the relationship between culture and society, the field of sociology of violence and to give theoretical explanations about society as a system and structure. The third chapter of the book covers three units, namely social inequalities and poverty, society and population, and rural and urban society. Furthermore, the segment of social institutions emphasizes the relations of education, religion and politics and society, as well as the issues of the modern family and tradition. The section on the human environment implies reflections on social changes in general, but also on changes in the modern world, social ecology and research issues of ethnology / social anthropology. The book ends with an article on the development of sociology in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that this book will fulfill its mission of better understanding social reality in both traditional and modern theoretical framework and in that sense will be useful to students of sociology emphasizing the important emancipatory role of sociology.
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