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In October 1985, several members of the Palestine Liberation Front hijacked the cruise ship Achille Lauro during its Mediterranean cruise. After the surrender of the terrorists, it came to light that a disabled passenger, Leon Klinghoffer, was killed by one of the kidnappers. The news of the attack was all the more disturbing that Klinghoffer belonged to the Jewish community. The case of abduction of Achille Lauro has been one of the most important topics in the field of international politics and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a long time. The idea of creating an opera based on those events came from one of the most distinctive directors of our time, Peter Sellars (1957–), who invited composer John Adams (1947–) to cooperation. Libretto was created by Alice Goodman (1958–). Stage presentation of the fate of the passengers of Achille Lauro was to be a musical background for the wider topic: Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The main aim of the authors of The Death of Klinghoffer, what they repeatedly stressed in interviews, was to present both sides: Jewish and Muslim; not only the design of the libretto and musical development, but also the right direction. Despite these assumptions, since the premiere in 1991 at the Brussels Théâtre Royale de La Monnaie, this opera is consequently dividing the audience into its hot enthusiasts and declared opponents. Demonstrations and protests, accusations of anti-Semitic content, presentation and justification of terrorism have led not only to a change in the score, but today they are almost inseparable elements of issue. This article focuses on the opinions on the opera by critics and music journalists. After presenting the context of creation, examples of the reception, analytical and creative works are shown, such as the opinions found in the reviews of the printed sources, as well as the online ones.
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The article investigates Dobrudzha (in the political boundaries of Bulgaria and Romania) – a zone of interpenetration of identities and cultural practices among the population as a result of its long co-habitation within the Ottoman Empire on the Black sea shores and on the banks of the lower Danube River. The author uses a syncretic approach, including observation in situ allowing both for the pointing out of the “internal” multiplicity of practices connected to one or more denominations, as well as for the outlining of ‘trans-confessional’ and the ‘trans-ethnic’ similarities – healing practices, contacts with trees, stones and springs as the intermediaries of the divine. The aim is to investigate some details, as well as to reveal common places and diversity.
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This paper looks into different aspects of compulsory veil in post-revolutionary Iran and discusses this discriminatory and exclusionary law as a social justice problem. The paper also demonstrates and brings into the light a number of consequences related to implementation of compulsory hijab in Iranian society that has led to gender-based violence targeting women.
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The objective of this article is to outline the basic tensions in contemporary Bulgarian society concerning the intertwining of religion and secularism through the prism of relations between national state and different religious organizations and individuals.The general goal is to combine the presentation of national historical context, existing legislation and the current social debate based on anthropological fieldwork.
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The main objective of this article is to analyze the impact of Ankara’s reference to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire on contemporary Turkish foreign policy and the attitude of Poland towards such a reversal in Turkish diplomacy. Turkey is now more aware that it has no chance of gaining European Union membership. In this situation, Ankara has begun to emphasize its Eurasian character and is trying to build its influence in the region, in particular among eastern and southern neighbors. To have a greater impact on its neighbors, Turkey refers to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The weakening of Ankara's political relations with the western world is particularly worrisome for Poland, which appreciates Turkey's geostrategic position and its role in the European security system. The greatest concern among Poles is caused by the political and economic rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow. What also disturbs Poles is the fact that Turkey, which had made pro-democratic efforts, is departing from the principles fundamental to Europeans.
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The centuries-long coexistence of Christianity and Islam on the Balkans has led to artistic interactions between them in modeling of gravestones and temples. These interactions concern the form of the cultic monuments and not their confessional ideology. The material presented originates mainly from the territory of modern Bulgaria. The study of this phenomenon can continue with the collection of new material throughout the Balkan Peninsula.
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The objective of this article is to outline in the light of the relations between the nation-state and the various religious organizations and individuals the main tensions in the contemporary Bulgarian society concerning the intertwining of religion and secularism. The general goal is to combine the presentation of national historical context, existing legislation and the current social debate based on fieldwork.
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What is the modern understanding of the Islamic fundamentalism today? What is the difference between Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism? What is the political definition for these two topics? What is the forced public opinion for these social phenomenon? What is political Islam? Where is the common ground between religion and politics? The historical science and the history of the Middle East from the recent past (the last 50-60 years) gives us different answers to these questions compared to the modern political rhetoric from the end of the last century.
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Communication research has systematically pointed to the disparities in news coverage of political candidates from women and minority groups. These differences may hurt the chances of these candidates at being elected. Recently more migrants are entering the political arenas in their adopted Western countries. Migrants have become the center of debates over the rights and wrongs of multiculturalism. In particular, Muslim women, in liberal democracies have been turned into an allegory for undesirable cultural difference. The November 2018 US Congressional race saw an unprecedented number of women especially minority women run for office. Ilhan Omar (representing Minnesota) and Rashida Tlaib (representing Michigan) are the first Muslim women elected to Congress. Both Omar and Tlaib won by large margins. This study examines if local news coverage of Omar and Tlaib’s candidacy was congruent to prevalent schemas in representations of Muslim women and minorities in American media.
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In order to expand their economy and exports and attract foreign investments, tourists and talents, governments are increasingly adopting nation branding strategies as part of their public diplomacy to promote their image and build their reputation on the international scene. Some Arab countries, mainly countries from the Gulf region, have massively invested in branding strategies to raise their profile and build their image abroad. However, Arab countries face negative images related to, among others, gender equality and women’s rights. This paper tries to highlight the impact of gender gap on nation branding, image and reputation building of three Arabic countries: United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the importance of including this dimension when nations are addressing their image and reputation.
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This paper deals with the question of Tunisian and Moroccan womenpresence on social networks. An analysis of how they grab these digital tools tomake their new right claims visible. Our methodology and our questions ariseessentially from the ethnography of electronic communication and semiopragmatics. Our objective here is to observe and describe devices, uses and actorsinvolved in these new online mobilization and activism media for women benefit inTunisia and Morocco. Two web corpuses are analyzed. The first corpus comes froma regular watch on Facebook accounts of associations, activists and ordinary netusers in Tunisia. The second one is made up of 12 episodes of “Marokkiates” webseries broadcast on Facebook and Youtube in 2017-2018. These corpuses have led toa contrastive study of new digital forms of mobilization, circumvention of social orreligious prohibitions, activism for women new rights detailing as well the currentfeminism uses in the two north Africa countries.
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Learning, creativity, and innovation are considered as the axis of the activities of all educational and entrepreneur-based institutions. Learning style of students as one of the factors effective in learning and academic progress has always been taken into consideration. By identifying the learning style and rate of creativity of individuals, each style can be a more appropriate teaching method adopted by teachers and also a more correct method of learning by learners. Accordingly, the main goal of the present article is to identify the differences of learning styles of individuals in different academic majors and the rate of the creativity of individuals in each learning style. The present methodology employed in this research is of descriptive-correlational research design. The statistical population consists of all the last-year students at the high school level in the city of Ghaen. The statistical sample consisted of 115 girls and 117 boys selected by classified sampling. Kolb’s learning style inventory and Abedi creativity were used to collect the required data. These two tools are standardized, therefore their validity is verified. On the other hand, the reliability of the Kolb’s inventory and that of Abedi’s creativity were 0.74 and 79.5, respectively. To analyze the data obtained by Chi-square tests, one-way analysis of variance, Pierson covariance, and stepwise regression were employed. The results show that there is a meaningful difference between the creativity of the students with diverging and assimilator learning styles. Learning styles of students of different branches are also different. Creativity of the students of Mathematicsis more than that of the Humanities and there is also a meaningful negative relation between concrete experiential learning methods and creativity (r=0.702 and p<0.01).
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This study examines the normative hypothesis explaining the nexus between terrorism and Abrahamic religious tradition, particularly the Boko Haram Islamic fundamentalist sect in North-Eastern Nigeria. It is methodologically structured in quantitative and qualitative methods, where data and information are retrieved from primary and secondary sources. These were presented in a tabular form and analyzed descriptively within the context of the subject matter under investigation. The findings reveal that, beyond the classical arguments usually provided by the Abrahamic religious tradition school, the real reason behind global terrorism is for some overzealous religious bigots to establish a caliphate that will enable them to influence the international system. Based on these findings, the study concluded that the war against global terrorism would be a mirage unless national governments and international organizations fully address these fundamental issues.
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Mefküre Mollova was the first Turkish woman and university professor in Bulgaria, who defended her Ph.D. thesis in the field of turkology and gained international fame for her research. She is the author of over 150 publications in prestigious international journals that continue to be cited today. Mefküre Mollova was among the founders of the Turkish Philology at the University of Sofia. She had worked for only about 7 years (1953-1961), when she and her husband were dismissed from their academic positions on false claims, and the Department was closed. She remained outside the academia until the end of her life.
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