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Around the Bloc: Kremlin Accuses West of Hatchet Job on Putin
Governments, media, and NGOs are trying to influence a September parliamentary vote in Russia, a senior official charges.
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Governments, media, and NGOs are trying to influence a September parliamentary vote in Russia, a senior official charges.
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At the time of its resurgence during the last decades of the 20th century, the concept of governance, used by some as a feature of a political solution and by others as a criterion for analysis, was presented as something unchangeable and likely to serve as a lasting reference parameter. However, in particular due to different types of developments on the international stage, the normative dimension of governance most of all will be subject to re-assessment and to changes which even go so far as to question its legitimacy. This leads to us question ourselves regarding the impact of these changes on the normative capacity of governance. This article is based upon the hypothesis that that capacity has today reached the point of exhaustion, due in particular to governance being represented in multiple ways.
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Based on concrete examples this paper discusses different understandings of the concept "governance" and summerizes ten years of a research program aimed at giving it a rigorous definition and method. It asks the question if the concept can be used in serious research, as there has been very little improvement in its definition. The answer given here is both pessimistic and optimistic. Maybe it is time to call the death of governance as a scientific term, victim of techno-management fashion. Can it still be saved?
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Governance is by "nature" multiple or/and multilevel. The case of the creation of a statute for metropolitan areas in France and Italy is one of the illustrations. France and Italy have been trying for more than twenty years to put up a special status for the global-cities of their territory. The recent revival of the process in both countries simultaneously puts out the difficulty to institutionalize powerful communities that upset the traditional scheduling territories, beyond the differences that separate France and Italy. This is why in both cases , global-cities are entities "under control" , but which are intended to be emancipated …
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Les cinq articles qui constituent ce numéro de Studia Europea consacré à la gouvernance donnent un aperçu de la diversité des approches et des analyses qu’engendre tout travail scientifique intégrant cette notion.Ce qui frappe, c’est l’extrême hétérogénéité d’usage, du descriptif au normatif en passant par l’analytique, et d’échelle, du local au global en passant par le national, que recouvre cette notion. Si ce numéro en constitue un exemple, ce constat est déjà largement partagé depuis longtemps. Cette extension qui génère en même temps une dilution de sens constitue un argument solide pour disqualifier la notion de gouvernance et lui refuser toute valeur heuristique. Le parti pris de cette conclusion est inverse et part de l’interrogation suivante : comment un terme aussi peu précis, aussi controversé dans l’arène scientifique peut-il rencontrer un si large succès savant et profane qu’il n’est plus possible de considérer comme éphémère dans la mesure où depuis le début des années 1990 ce terme rencontre un certain écho en science politique et qu’il ne cessera depuis de croître ? Plus encore, comment ce terme forgé dans un contexte de dépérissement, de déclin ou tout au moins de retrait de l’Etat, qu’il prétendait décrire et expliquer, peut-il connaître un même « succès » dans un contexte passablement différent plutôt marqué par une recomposition voire un redéploiement partiel de l’Etat, qu’il permet également de décrire ?
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The article explores how different actors had tried to frame and to appropriate the meaning of the anti-mining protests that started in September 2013. The analysis focuses on two discourses that had disputed the construction of the protest’ knowledge: the “good governance” discourse versus the “anti-capitalistic” discourse. This confrontation is described as an attempt to establish a different “regime of truth” by the anti-capitalist narrative proponents. The assumption of the article is that the protests from 2013 had marked a return to “real politics”, by re-politicizing the Romanian realities and disrupting the post-communist consensus. However, it argues that keeping the claims in the good governance framework had minimized the re-politicization potential of the social movement emerging from the protest (#UnitiSalvam), by obscuring some of the latent conflict that undercrosss the Romanian society. The article also explores the factors that contributed to the anti-capitalist discourse’s failure to impose a different rhetoric of the protest, by looking into the “good governance” discourse trajectory in the post-communist Romania and observing how it established itself as a hegemonic discourse.
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Trough the conducted researches and studies during the present paper we have tried to highlight the modalities how the communist regimes in central and eastern Europe have confiscated, after World War II, the properties of their rural population. After a conducted survey we reached the conclusion that in most of the communist countries the socialist transformation of the agriculture followed the soviet model and generated great sufference to rural population. From this study we can affirm that the results expected by communist authorythies were not achived neither by attracting sustainers to communist propaganda nor by obtaining much higher crops than before.
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In a rare threat to his authority, president evokes Ukraine conflict to show the dangers of a lack of unity.
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Supporters incensed after recount leaves nationalist party shut out of parliament – by one vote.
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In his paper “Gdańsk Liberals – a Political Environment, a Political Movement or a Camp? An Attempt at Finding a Definition”, the author seeks to answer the question of how to define the non-institutional form of activities taken by Gdańsk liberals, who played an important role in Polish politics after 1989. It is an attempt to describe the activities of people such as Donald Tusk, Janusz Lewandowski and Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, who contributed to the political history of the Third Polish Republic.The author presents three different forms of the non-institutionalized group, forms that are distinguished in political science. These are: a political environment, a social and political movement and a political camp. Then, after studying their biographies, the formation of the group of Gdańsk liberals around the magazine “Przegląd Polityczny” [Political Review], as well as ideas and value systems articulated by its members, the author concludes that the liberals satisfy the definition of a political environment. We learn that they were in fact a group who was, of course, interested in politics, but ideologically – at least in the first years of their activity – not yet fully defined. Their assessment of the then sociopolitical situation was rather similar, and members of the group were connected by informal ties. There was no clear structure, although of course some of them, such as Donald Tusk who inspired numerous activities, aspired to become the leader. The citizens of Gdańsk fit with the specifics of the then discourse of the anti-communist opposition, but were distinguished by the values they stressed. They would often distance themselves from the opposition groups in Warsaw and Gdańsk, such as the Movement of Young Poland. An important stimulus for the politicization of the Gdańsk liberals’ environment was anti-communist emotions (the memory of December 1970), while the publication of the first issue of “Przegląd Polityczny” was a significant, if not a turning, point of their activities.The author also outlines the further fate of the Gdańsk environment in the Third Polish Republic, their ideological disputes and attitude towards conservatism, and he also raises issues that may be an interesting starting point for further research on liberalism in Poland after 1989.
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Despite worries, large-scale demonstrations for and against the government avoid violent confrontation.
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Missile interceptors are ‘1,000 percent’ aimed at Russia, Duma defense committee head fumes.
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New Justice Ministry report says illegal for foreign-funded NGOs even to criticize the country’s leaders or discredit government policies.
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Belgrade unwilling to accept conditions set by former enemy for accession talks to go ahead.Missile interceptors are ‘1,000 percent’ aimed at Russia, Duma defense committee head fumes.
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Protests grow in Georgia over former prime minister’s suspected land grabs.
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Civic activists appear to have a better chance at effecting change than traditional parties.
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Security service says arrested Central Asians had been planning major attacks.
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New EU proposal for asylum reform includes fines for those who do not comply and elicits predictable response from region’s politicians.
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Police discover grenades ahead of commemoration of bloody 2014 clashes.
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Looking forward to elections, Bloc Against Islam looks West for a model.
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