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Around the Bloc: EC Issues Another Warning to Poland
Government in Warsaw has until Monday to answer concerns over constitutional court or face further legal procedure.
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Government in Warsaw has until Monday to answer concerns over constitutional court or face further legal procedure.
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Decision comes after only governing party had registered candidates.
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As Russia gears up for parliamentary elections this autumn, how can the country's embattled opposition and civil society offer a real contest to the Kremlin's "imitation democracy"?
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Volodymyr Groysman emerges as front-runner to replace unpopular premier.
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Zagreb calls for respect for human rights and other conditions to be met.
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Aleksi Petriashvili survives attack, his Free Democrat party will face former coalition partner Georgian Dream in elections this year.
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Top brass quit as new defense minister moves to block promotions for Soviet-trained servicemen.
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Governing party of leftist anti-immigrant premier loses parliamentary majority as far-right makes surprisingly strong gains.
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Russian leader’s popularity soars ahead of his expected participation in presidential elections in 2018.
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Police, prosecutors say thousands of new officers needed to collect evidence the old-fashioned way.
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Article refers to the ratio of the party and their constituents facing the problems of social stratification. The analysis underwent voters of elections to the European Parliament and election to the local governments 2014. There were considered five Polish parties: Platforma Obywatelska, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Nowa Prawica of Janusz Korwin-Mikke. The respondents’ preferences were also examined in the relation to the place on the political scene declared by them and defining accordingly as left wing, right wing and centre. It was questioned whether differences in income between rich and poor in Poland are too large and whether the state should seek to reduce income inequalities of citizens. For the voters of most of the parties income differences were too high. The voter majority also believed that the state was to reduce the differences. The majority of opponents of the state involvement was only in the group of voters of Nowa Prawica. The views of voters slightly differed in the context of left and right division.
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Demons from Croatia’s past keep popping up at the most inopportune times, as the government is learning to its dismay.By TOL
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Grim forebodings over the arrival of ultra-rightists in the Slovak parliament.
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Civil political competency, but especially public trust are the basis of development of the civil society. Level of civil political competency also influence the electoral behaviour. In a research made in the end of 2014 we asked about Polish people civil political competency and about chosen reasons when taking electoral decisions. The group who declares an absence in the election or not taking big care about their electoral decisions and also have lack of skills to determine on which place on the left-right line they are, give evidence of a very low level of civil political competencies. Less important for them are programs and future plans presented by the politicians and political parties and also how they realize them (or not). When taking an electoral decision on the local level, this group take a lesser degree of care then other voters about the local elections candidates (for mayors, council member etc.) memberships to the political parties.
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King Michael led Romania during the darkest days of its modern history, overcoming a controversial past to become a revered elder statesman.
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The purpose of this article is to present the scope of authority of party leaders in selected Polish political parties. The study included the following parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS) party, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Polish Peasants’ Party (PSL), Your Movement (TR), Right Wing of the Republic Polish (PR), the New Right (NP) and the Greens. The article addresses the problem of electing a leader of party. The importance of exclusive competence (the powers that belong only to a leader) of the leaders of the Polish party is analyzed. The leader of party may on their grounds decide in certain areas of action of the party. This applies in particular to internal structure, staffing party, the nomination of candidates for election as well as disciplining party members. In most of the subjected parties the leaders have a broad range of rights including the exclusive character. According to the author, some of these powers undermine democratic nature of the party structure.
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The article deals with an interesting - from the marketing perspective – form of electoral rivalry, realised with the participation of politicians described as the “substitute candidates”. It was taken into consideration that while discussing the issue of “substitute candidate” it is necessary to settle two key questions: which politicians and based on what criteria could be classified as such candidates and what strategic grounds convince rivalry subjects to choose such campaign option. Assuming that the notion “substitute candidate” could be analysed from at least two different points of view: actual substitution or apparent substitution, some issues of creating the electoral campaign and realising the campaign with the participation of “substitute candidate” can be pointed out: from the candidate selection stage, through the stage of creating and developing the candidate’s image, to the stage of implementing project. Moreover, some conclusions from the electoral campaign preceding the presidential elections in Katowice were presented.
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A territorial division of a country constitutes the basis of a current organization of the communal life; hence its stability is a fundamental condition of an effective administration in a local, regional as well as statewide scale. Therefore, political parties that are involved in drafting the law as well as are entitled to accept or reject acts shall perform for the benefit of general public, but for particular reasons.
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The article addresses the dependency between the level of institutionalization present in the Spanish party system, electoral accountability and assigning responsibility. The primary research objective of this article is to determine the extent to which electoral volatility is present in Spain, both at the aggregate and individual level, which is a measure of the degree of institutionalization reached by a party system. Next, the dependency between electoral volatility and fluidity of elites at the electoral and parliamentary level is analysed. This allows for an answer to the question of whether there is a problem in Spain with assigning responsibility, having regard to the fact that the presence of extensive electoral volatility among both voters and political elites makes it difficult to speak of effective accountability.
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The aim of the article was to present electoral activities diversification as well as political preferences of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in years 1989-2014. The measure of the conducted analyses were the results of parliamentary and European Parliament elections, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political sympathies of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, as well as noticable, with regards to the whole country, election turnout. The primary part of the conducted analysis was an attempt to answer the question of what determined the change of political preferences and if contemporary electoral activity and political sympathies reflect historical and cultural determinants.
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