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Russia is trying to derail his country’s NATO aspirations, Milo Djukanovic says.
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U.S. diplomatic chief’s first trip to region will feature visits to some of the least free countries on the planet.
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Council of Europe pulling out of joint working group on human rights in Azerbaijan.
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Chisinau’s treatment of Russian deputy PM ‘absolutely unacceptable,’ says Kremlin spokesman.
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Economic relations between Russia and Eastern Europe are reasonably stable, but they are characterized by lack of scale. Therefore, sanctions/contrsanctions have not a systemic effect on bilateral relations, although they have on individual companies. Prospects for Russia’s economic relations with the Eastern European countries are evaluated in terms of their embeddedness in the overall relations between Russia and the West. It follows that is not necessary to expect a quick lifting of sanctions, despite the obvious decline over time the economic damage they cause to all parties involved. Possible in the long term mutual cancellation of sanctions regimes will likely be expressed in increase of the positive effects on normalization of trade and investment, but the magnitude of these effects will hardly be noticeable.
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The main purpose of the article is to present a relations of the newly created entity on the international arena of the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Poland. Time caesuras include the period from 1993 to 2002. In 1993, the establishment of the Slovak Republic was proclaimed and in 2002, both Slovakia and Poland completed the accession negotiations in Copenhagen related with joining the European Union. The article is based on the assumption that in the analysed period the relations of both countries were determined by striving for be a part of Euro-Atlantic structures.
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Donald Trump’s presidency proved to be a great challenge for the transatlantic community. One of the factors of the breakdown in American-European relations was the change of US strategy towards Europe, resulting from Trump’s approach to international relations, in which the narrowly understood American interest counts the most. In this new situation, Germany has lost the position of a close and valuable partner of the USA, and has become a dangerous economic and commercial competitor, or a financial burden in terms of security. Germany’s tactics in the face of increasing tension in mutual relations and the crisis in transatlantic relations consisted of either attempting to settle the dispute or shifting the burden of negotiations with the US on the European Union forum, and finally assertiveness towards some of Trump’s demands. Germany also returned to the concept of building Europe’s strategic autonomy and taking over the role of a global player by the EU, which does not change the fact that European security capabilities will be insufficient and ineffective for a long time without American support.
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The change of paradigms defining the foreign policy of the main centers of power: the US, Russia and China, along with the subsequent transformation of relations between these powers, determined global relations. They have transformed the political order and, due to the change of the canon of values and norms desirable in international relations, have seriously undermined the foundations of formal and legal order. Article deals with Germany’s attitude to the changes in the international order. The aims of the research process are: Identification of the main assumption of the German policy selected in response to the changes occurring in the world and Assessment of the coherence of the German and EU approach.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the activities of Heiko Maas in the first year of office of the German Foreign Minister. The politician presented himself as a supporter of multilateralism (with specific norms, agreements and institutions) and strategic partnership in international politics. He promoted the concept of building an „Alliance for Multilateralism”, characterizing this initiative as being open to states adhering to democratic principles and ready to cooperate in international politics.
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The structural transformation in production and foreign trade in global economy concentrates on global value chains and vertical specialization. These two concepts specifically clarify the reasons why trade in intermediate goods increased more than trade in final goods. This comparison depicts trade-in value added, in general, and trade in domestic and foreign value added in export and import goods, in particular. In this study, vertical specialization ratios for 35 distinct sectors, which were grouped based on ISIC Rev. 3 criteria for a period between 1995 and 2011 in Turkey, were calculated by using World input-output Database (WIOD). In addition, the fluctuations in domestic and foreign value added in gross export were analyzed both at aggregate and sectoral levels. Findings of the study indicated that vertical specialization ratio for Turkish foreign trade has shown a drastic change. This study also highlighted that the sectors that revealed the highest intensity level in vertical specialization were respectively basic metals, fabricated metal and transport equipment.
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Why is there no philosophy of International Relations? Why, despite the significant intellectual and institutional development of International Relations after World War II, has IR failed to generate any ‘grand ideas’ that would influence the broadly understood humanities? None of the theories of international relations indicates the exceptional features of interna- tionality as its foundation. None of these theories formulates a fundamental claim to its subject matter in International Relations the way geography, history or sociology do. This leads to the conviction that international relations do not have to be formed by aspects of the social world that are specific to them, and can be interpreted in terms of ideas imported from the disciplines that deal with examining aspects relevant to them. The basic disadvantage of this openness of International Relations to other disciplines is the lack of reflection on its own ‘deep ontology.’ This seems to be the most important reason for the lack of a philosophy of International Rela- tions. The author accomplishes two basic goals in his text. Firstly, he undermines the legitimacy of the three attitudes prevailing in IR on understanding internationality, which he calls internal- ism, externalism and correlationism. Secondly, he presents the essence and consequences of the negative character of IR, which involves the absence of the philosophy of IR and studying internationality in the same manner as political science does. The author argues that understanding this ‘strange orthodoxy’ can be a means to overcom- ing it, thereby opening up the possibility of conceiving the ontology of IR, or outlining the path leading to the philosophy of International Relations. Finally, the author refers to the proposal of Justin Rosenberg, to then present an idea for an ontology on which the philosophy of Interna- tional Relations could be founded.
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In this article, we tried to clear up many matters: why forcing all the Romanian Diplomats to get a Diploma in Communication in 2003 and not before (?!) – an unexpected measure taken by the Foreign Affairs of Romania, why those studies of communication and not of Foreign Languages or of Culture or History and to what extent it could have improved our Diplomats activities and now, retrospectively, if this measure really improved our Diplomats‘ activity. My conclusion, unfortunately: it‘s (still) an affair to follow up, ‗because it‘s worth keeping an eye on the past, present and future Diplomats!
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Romania entered the European Union in 2007 and from then on, two important countries outside of the European Union started to help with financial grants.Norway and Switzerland from the European Free Trade Association. Several programmes and projects have been founded since and are still in work. The aim of this article is to present briefly the EFTA and the financial aid programmes of the two countries. Also, at the end of the article, there will be a short and non-representative comparison of projects founded by the two countries. But the article also wants to show how well do the involved institutions inform the general public by means of websites and electronic documents, stats and data.
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We live and work in a very multicultural world, and it is reasonable to interact with people from different cultures and backgrounds, people with different values, norms, and beliefs. Cultural intelligence, new construction of the 21st Century, plays a prominent role in this increasing interaction. It is also relevant to consider and mention that cultural intelligence becomes an almost vital skill in a world where crossing the borders of a country has become a routine, and your workmate, your friend, or your professor can come from the farthest corner of the globe. The ability of individuals to work effectively across culture, but most importantly, as international practice demonstrate- the ability to negotiate with people from different cultures improve the relationship, build a long-lasting relationship and help to understand cross-cultural differences across the globe better.The main objective of the present research is to help develop a better understanding of the cultural intelligence concept. Secondly, based on the data provided by the international practice and recent research, this study aims to identify whether cultural intelligence is a factor in negotiation outcome and to determine the component of cultural intelligence that has the most significant influence on negotiation outcome.
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Review of: Melania-Gabriela Ciot, New Researches in International Relations (Coordonator), Presa Universitară Clujeană, Cluj-Napoca, 2018, ISBN: 978-606-37-0394-2, 238 p.
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