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№42: Sixty Years of Poland–India Relations: Towards a Genuine Partnership?

Author(s): Patryk Kugiel / Language(s): English

Relations between Poland and India are 60 years old, and have been traditionally described as “close and cordial.” Their history can be broadly divided into two periods—one between 1954 and 1989, and the second after 1989. Whereas the first is sometimes regarded as a golden age in Polish–Indian ties, the latter is seen more as a time of mutual disengagement and negligence. However, during the last a few years, we have observed the beginning of a third era, with renewed efforts to revive stronger cooperation. Trade is again on a clear upward trend, and high-level meetings take place more often. In fact, for the first time, both countries are fully independent and strong enough to create a robust and genuine partnership.

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№32: The Unexploited Potential of Poland’s Cooperation with Taiwan

Author(s): Justyna Szczudlik-Tatar / Language(s): English

Taiwan, with its economy based on high technology and innovation and home to global IT companies which are among the world’s largest electronics manufacturers, should be an attractive economic partner for Poland. But the distance, limited channels of communication, lack of knowledge of each other, differences in economic development, and market access barriers in Taiwan make bilateral cooperation occasional and not intensive. A recent improvement in cooperation as a result of Taiwan’s decision to open its market to Polish pork and prospects for signing an avoidance-of-double-taxation agreement should be used as a good basis for deepening bilateral cooperation. What is more, better Cross-Strait relations create a chance for Poland to improve its economic presence in mainland China through closer cooperation with Taiwanese companies.

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№29: Human Security: Reactivation of an Idea?

Author(s): Rafał Tarnogórski / Language(s): English

Human Security is a concept in which the general principles of human rights are interpreted at the perspective of a single citizen. Originally associated with security sector reform, Human Security offers a holistic approach to our understanding of security: all relevant actors and instruments should be included in the process of the efficient, effective and non-discriminatory provision of common state and human security within a framework of democratic governance. The importance of Human Security will probably increase in the future as an important category in foreign and security policies, and it will generally exert considerable influence upon the development of international relations.

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№27: The Perseverance of the Crisis in Mali

Author(s): Kacper Rękawek / Language(s): English

After yet another Tuareg rebellion, followed by a virtual takeover of the northern parts of the country by various terrorist organisations and a highly destabilising coup d’état, Mali finds itself engulfed in a protracted political, security and humanitarian crisis. The worrying series of events in Mali has brought the country to the attention of international actors, including the European Union (EU), which is concerned about the lack of stability and security in the Sahel, an area adjacent to the immediate EU neighbourhood. Unfortunately, the majority of the foreign ideas on how to address Mali’s crisis lack an enduring commitment to improve the situation on the ground. Unless the international proposals are in line with the UN Secretary General’s recommendations from 29 November 2012 and veer towards long-term solutions, Mali is likely to remain destabilised for the foreseeable future.

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№23: How to Upgrade Poland’s Approach to the Western Balkans? Ideas for the Polish Presidency of the V4

Author(s): Tomasz Żornaczuk / Language(s): English

Ever since the European Union expressed its commitment and support to the Western Balkans states’ ambitions to join the Community, the region has for years constituted the central scene for EU enlargement and Common Foreign and Security Policy. Yet, some of the Balkan countries also wish to be included in NATO. Processes linked to accession to both organisations have shown that each country differs in its development and willingness to reform and that there are political difficulties regardless of these countries’ attitudes towards the EU or NATO. These factors make the Balkan agenda exceptionally complex and the relationship between the states and the EU and NATO filled with a range of ups and downs.

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№14: Libya: Too Hot to Handle

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal / Language(s): English

The rapidly evolving events around the crisis in Libya will be the first test of this kind for the European countries that lead diplomatic efforts against Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi. France’s symbolic first strike in operation “Odyssey Dawn” was quickly followed by an American lead offensive. The American administration, deeply involved in Afghanistan and still effectively responsible for Iraq’s security, wanted to avert the impression that they were leading yet another military offensive against a mostly Muslim country. However, the crisis shows deep divisions within the international community, NATO, the EU and the arrayed coalition itself. It is a high-risk but also a possible high-gain type of operation although there is not enough evidence to suggest that Qaddafi has completely lost popular support or that the opposition speaks on behalf of the majority of Libyans. As the awakening wave is sweeping the Middle East, events in Libya set a precedent for other Arab countries and citizens, torn between their quest for dignity and reluctance to accept outside intervention.

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№10: New Strategy for Afghanistan? Political Reform – First!

Author(s): Piotr Krawczyk / Language(s): English

The manipulated presidential election of August 2009 has provided new rationale for increasingly negative assessments of the situation in Afghanistan. The Afghans’ growing mistrust of the authorities and the administration looms, alongside the insurgents’ activities, as the country’s gravest problem. The sources of the state’s illness include not only the dismal economy and a lack of security, but a dysfunctional political system divorced from the country’s social realities. The system breeds corruption and conflicts and obstructs the discharge of the state’s fundamental functions. It follows that much of Afghanistan’s instability has internal political roots which, unless removed, will render enduring improvement of the country’s situation impossible.

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№6: NATO after the Georgian Conflict: A New Course or Business as Usual?

Author(s): Marek Madej / Language(s): English

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, unlike the European Union, could not have played a mediating role in the Russian-Georgian conflict. This was primarily dictated by the position of Russia, which was opposed to NATO involvement in the region and which saw NATO as a de facto party to the conflict. Georgia, on the other hand, has long expected an unequivocal decision by the Alliance concerning its Atlantic aspirations and membership, not to mention NATO’s immediate support for its position in the conflict. This placed NATO in an exceptionally delicate situation as a mediator, especially if one considers the Alliance’s present members’ diverging views on the question of Georgia’s NATO membership and their doubts and differing assessments of the causes of the conflict and where to lay the blame for its outbreak.

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№4: The European Army – How to Do It Right?

Author(s): Marcin Terlikowski / Language(s): English

The current difficulties in the European Union, caused by the result of the Irish referendum, show that bold projects regarding European integration can be misunderstood and cause serious concerns. One of such initiatives is the idea of a European Army, which is likely to trigger equally ardent discussions. Hence, we propose to look at the issue from a different perspective. The idea of a European Army dates back to the beginning of the European integration process of the 1950s. Even though the Pleven plan collapsed, other projects, aiming to create joint European military capabilities, were later discussed regularly (e.g. attempts to reactivate the Western European Union in the 1980s). Today, almost a decade since the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) was launched, the discussion on the EU’s military capabilities is more dynamic than ever before. The reason is simple: the actual shape of the ESDP does not live up to the growing demand for a more active European Union made by many EU member states as well as by other significant actors in international relations.

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№2: ISAF Operation in Afghanistan and the Future of NATO – Time for Change

Author(s): Łukasz Kulesa / Language(s): English

It is often stated that the mission in Afghanistan cannot be won using only military means. It can surely be lost, however, due to a failure of military performance by NATO and due to unrealistic operation goals. The Alliance currently faces two major challenges. The first has to do with the reluctance of some of the Allies to commit troops to counter-insurgency tasks. Without a major change in the Afghan policies of Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Greece, NATO will face a series of ‘blackmail crises’, when countries engaged in the south and east of the country threaten to withdraw their forces unless they are replaced or given additional support. It seems certain that NATO is going to manage successfully its first blackmail crisis, caused by Canada’s justifiable demand for an additional 1,000 troops for Kandahar (it appears that support has been offered by the United States, France and Poland). However, the ability to placate the displeased Allies on an ad hoc basis is limited, and a more fundamental change of policy is necessary.

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Preparedness and Surveillance: South Korea’s Response to COVID-19

Author(s): Oskar Pietrewicz / Language(s): English

South Korea’s success to date with preventing the spread of the coronavirus is because of widespread testing, high-tech surveillance, and its efficient healthcare system. The COVID-19 pandemic will harm the South Korean economy because of disruptions in supply chains and the decline in demand in foreign markets. While crisis-management solutions in South Korea may be an inspiration for European countries, the surveillance part may conflict with civil liberties.

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Przygotowanie i nadzór: Korea Południowa wobec COVID-19

Author(s): Oskar Pietrewicz / Language(s): Polish

Dotychczasowe sukcesy Korei Płd. w zahamowaniu epidemii koronawirusa są zasługą przeprowadzania masowych testów, systemu monitorowania społeczeństwa z wykorzystaniem nowych technologii oraz sprawnej służby zdrowia. Pandemia COVID-19 negatywnie odbije się na południowokoreańskiej gospodarce z uwagi na zakłócenia łańcuchów dostaw oraz spadek popytu na rynkach zagranicznych. Choć rozwiązania w obszarze zarządzania kryzysowego w Korei Płd. mogą być inspiracją dla państw europejskich, działania takie jak nadzór elektroniczny mogą stać w sprzeczności z wolnościami obywatelskimi.

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Delimitation of Maritime Areas in the Eastern Mediterranean as a Challenge for the EU

Author(s): Szymon Zaręba / Language(s): English

For several reasons, there are difficulties in delimiting the borders of the exclusive economic zones (EEZ) and continental shelves in the Eastern Mediterranean. There are a number of conflicting claims that vary in scope, as well as various legal obligations, the lack of international recognition of several parties to the disputes, and the application of a policy of fait accompli on some of the sides. It is in the EU’s interests to create conditions for the conclusion of a multilateral delimitation agreement concerning a part of the basin west of Cyprus, and bilateral agreements for Cyprus with Lebanon and with Syria.

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Delimitacja obszarów morskich we wschodniej części Morza Śródziemnego jako wyzwanie dla UE

Author(s): Szymon Zaręba / Language(s): Polish

Trudności z wytyczeniem granic wyłącznych stref ekonomicznych i szelfu kontynentalnego we wschodniej części Morza Śródziemnego wynikają z kilku przyczyn. Są to liczba i zakres sprzecznych roszczeń, brak uznania niektórych stron sporów, stosowanie przez część z nich polityki faktów dokonanych oraz zróżnicowane zobowiązania prawne. W interesie UE leży stworzenie warunków do zawarcia wielostronnej umowy delimitacyjnej dotyczącej części akwenu na zachód od Cypru oraz dwustronnych umów Cypru z Libanem i Syrią.

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The Schengen Area and the Coronavirus Pandemic

Author(s): Jolanta Szymańska / Language(s): English

The coronavirus pandemic has prompted the Member States to reintroduce controls at internal Schengen borders. In response to their unilateral actions, the European Commission (EC) presented control guidelines aimed at protecting the flow of goods and returning citizens to their countries. At the EC’s request, country leaders also agreed to temporarily close the external borders of the EU and the Schengen area. These measures will ease tensions between countries and reduce the risk of paralysis of the single market. They may not, however, prevent further loosening of the Schengen agreement.

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Strefa Schengen w dobie pandemii COVID-19

Author(s): Jolanta Szymańska / Language(s): Polish

Rozwój pandemii COVID-19 skłonił państwa członkowskie do przywrócenia kontroli na granicach wewnętrznych Schengen. W reakcji na te jednostronne działania Komisja Europejska (KE) zaprezentowała wytyczne co do kontroli, mające na celu ochronę przepływu towarów i powroty obywateli do ich krajów. Na wniosek KE liderzy państw uzgodnili też czasowe zamknięcie granic zewnętrznych UE i strefy Schengen. Środki te pozwolą złagodzić napięcia między państwami oraz ograniczyć ryzyko paraliżu wspólnego rynku. Mogą jednak nie zapobiec dalszemu rozluźnieniu układu z Schengen.

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Coronavirus Pandemic: Consequences for NATO

Author(s): Wojciech Lorenz / Language(s): English

For several decades, NATO has been developing crisis-management mechanisms to cope with natural disasters, humanitarian crises, and pandemics. However, during the first weeks of the coronavirus pandemic, the Alliance decided to focus on maintaining its capacity to defend territory and deter adversaries. Although this is NATO’s primary task, the lack of a visible response to the crisis may reduce public support for the Alliance, diminish its significance, and ultimately weaken its ability to conduct its collective defence mission.

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Pandemia COVID-19 – konsekwencje dla NATO

Author(s): Wojciech Lorenz / Language(s): Polish

NATO od kilku dekad rozwija mechanizmy zarządzania kryzysowego, w tym także na wypadek katastrof naturalnych, kryzysów humanitarnych czy pandemii. W pierwszych tygodniach pandemii COVID-19 za priorytet uznało jednak utrzymanie zdolności do odstraszania i obrony. Chociaż jest to głównym zadaniem NATO, brak widocznej reakcji na obecny kryzys może zmniejszyć społeczne poparcie dla Sojuszu, spowodować spadek jego znaczenia i w efekcie osłabić zdolność do prowadzenia wspólnych misji.

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Foreign Military Presence in Iraq in Light of the Iran-U.S. Rivalry

Author(s): Sara Nowacka / Language(s): English

Iraq remains an area of rivalry between the U.S. and Iran. The latest example was the assassination of Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani in Baghdad by the U.S. in January. The Iraqi parliament then demanded the withdrawal of all foreign military troops. However, the fear of the resurgence of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) and continued protests against Iranian influence, ongoing since October 2019, may lead the Iraqi authorities to alter their position. An alternative option to request a NATO mission to take over some of the activities of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS may be a good solution.

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Perspektywy odrodzenia tzw. Państwa Islamskiego

Author(s): Arkadiusz Legieć / Language(s): Polish

Tzw. Państwo Islamskie (PI) po utracie terytorium przeformułowało swoją strategię, której podstawą stały się działania asymetryczne – terrorystyczne i partyzanckie. Priorytetem PI w Syrii i Iraku jest wykorzystanie wewnętrznej destabilizacji tych państw, uwolnienie zwolenników organizacji i zasilenie przez nich jej komórek. Ograniczenie obecności wojsk USA w północnej Syrii oraz eskalacja rywalizacji między USA i Iranem na terenie Iraku osłabiają skuteczność działań międzynarodowej koalicji antyterrorystycznej oraz ułatwiają reorganizację struktur komórkom PI.

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