Slovakia and the Western Balkans. The Year 2008 – Before and After
Text offers a perspective on Slovak activities in the Western Balkans in 2008 in three areas – economic diplomacy, development assistance, and the issue of Kosovo.
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Text offers a perspective on Slovak activities in the Western Balkans in 2008 in three areas – economic diplomacy, development assistance, and the issue of Kosovo.
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From the perspective of the official development assistance of the Slovak Republic (ODA or Slovak Aid), 2008 can be seen as a very hectic year of transformation, due to the implementation of fundamental changes. The first change was that the Act on the Official Development Assistance of the Slovak Republic came into force on February 1, 2008, which modified the system transformation of development assistance management and financing. This transformation had already started in 2007, with the establishment of the Slovak Agency for International Development Cooperation (SAMRS). At the same time, the end of 2008 was devoted to preparing the new Medium-Term Strategy for the Official Development Assistance of the Slovak Republic for the years 2009-2013, which was approved by the Government on March 4, 2009. The strategy was preceded by extensive discussion on the future direction of Slovakia’s ODA. It is perhaps a shame that the ‘reform’ was not deeper.
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In international circles, Slovakia is branded a successful and dynamic European country; especially in the region of the Western Balkans. In Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in the entire Western Balkans, Slovakia has a good reputation. It is admired for a peaceful split from former Czechoslovakia and equally for the capacity to solve big national questions by way of political compromise and agreement. The whole of the Western Balkans recognizes Slovakia also in the bigger picture of new EU members’ achievements. And it is increasingly capable of distinguishing in the collective picture.
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The Official Development Assistance (ODA) is an important pillar of the Slovak foreign policy. Its importance is still growing; therefore an attempt should be made to expand its scope in the years to come. The year 2007 can be marked as a significant one for the development assistance. This article analyzes mainly the institutional and the legislative changes in the Slovak ODA and compares the territorial and sectoral focus of bilateral projects in the periods before and after these changes took effect.
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The co-shared responsibility of developed countries for global development makes countries like Slovakia consider the Official Development Assistance (ODA), an official component of its foreign policy. The issue of fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals became the agenda of the international community once again after the September 2005 UN summit in New York. The highest officials of Slovakia expressed their commitment to these goals at the summit. Thus as a member of the donor community, Slovakia is willing to contribute to solving the global issues i.e. to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, to achieve the universal primary education, to promote gender equality and empower women, to reduce child mortality, to improve maternal health, to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, to ensure environmental sustainability and to develop a global partnership for development.
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Taking a closer look at Slovakia’s activities in the region of the Western Balkans in 2005, one must admit that the Slovak Republic attempted to fulfil its aim to influence the whole region more consistently. It also activated its leverage in those countries of the region where it had been more or less absent until quite recently. Although the paper reflects changes that occurred recently in relations to Bosnia and Herzegovina, to Macedonia and Albania, the Slovak attention remains focused on Serbia and Montenegro and, partly, on Croatia. Aware of the motivation potential of the European Union, the SR became one of the loudest and most persistent advocates of the integration of the Western Balkans countries into the EU and of enforcing particular mechanisms for materialization of such an event. Despite this fact, there are only very few visible initiatives developed at the bilateral level which would more significantly contribute to democratization and transformation of the region (except for Serbia and Montenegro and, eventually, Croatia). The recommendations offered at the end of the article are based on the belief that Slovakia definitely possesses the internal capacity and, at the same time, the duty, given its historical experience, to influence positive processes in all countries of this region. The EU initiatives as well as a great variety of initiatives in the countries of the Western Balkans also leave space for Slovak performance. A precondition for successful fulfilling of our foreign political commitments in the region still remains to be better knowledge of the internal situation and processes in each of the countries in the region as well as the existence of aimed strategies for individual societies based on this knowledge about the internal situation and processes with the common denominator of eventual integration of all Western Balkan countries into the EU.
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Development assistance of the Slovak Republic has been receiving yet more and more attention of expert circles, media and broad public. The question is whether it is caused by the results in this field or by the generally favorable conditions and external circumstances. The answer is partially both. In 2005, Slovak ODA already recorded measurable results. The first projects starting in 2004 under the brand Slovak Aid were brought to an end and new ones started. Thus, the number of projects financed by the Slovak Republic exceeded 100. The development projects have drawn the attention of broader sphere of businesses, nongovernmental as well as governmental institutions. Moreover, the projects draw more attention of the media, as well.
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The year 2015, proclaimed as the European Year for Development, was referred to last year in this publication as the year of missed opportunities in Slovak development assistance. The year 2016, however, brought other big opportunities, such as the Slovak Republic’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union, and the candidacy of Slovak Foreign Minister Miroslav Lajčák for the position of UN Secretary-General. Despite all these opportunities, and the continuity of government following the parliamentary elections of March 2016, the Slovak government has traditionally paid little attention to development cooperation.
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Napĺňanie novej stratégie, plnenie požiadaviek a odporúčaní Výboru pre rozvojovú spoluprácu(DAC) OECD, papierový začiatok strategického plánovania v tzv. programovýchkrajinách a prítomnosť rozvojových diplomatov vo dvoch z nich, implementácia novýchnástrojov v bilaterálnej ODA, debata o aktivitách v medzinárodných organizáciách čiprípravy na rozvojový rok (2015) boli len niektoré z náročných výziev čakajúcich naslovenskú rozvojovú spoluprácu v roku 2014. Inými slovami možno konštatovať, že poroku sumarizácií, hodnotení, osláv či zmien bol rok 2014 rokom úsilia byť zaslúženečlenom klubu donorov, rokom implementácie nových stratégií a stálej snahy o „liečbuchronických chorôb slovenskej ODA“. To, ako si s touto úlohou poradila slovenskározvojová spolupráca, je predmetom ďalších riadkov.
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Rok 2011 bol z pohľadu slovenskej rozvojovej pomoci (ODA SR) ďalším zo série pokusov posunúť túto tému na vyššiu diskusnú i koncepčnú úroveň. Bol to rok, keď sa zdôrazňovali pojmy ako hodnoty, ľudské práva, efektívnosť, adresnosť, transparentnosť, posilňovanie kapacít či rozvojové vzdelávanie, rok, v ktorom došlo k ďalšiemu zúženiu počtu krajín a sektorových priorít. Národný program na rok 2011 nezabudol ani na snahu zohľadňovať (vo väčšej miere) potreby recipientov či potrebu monitoringu a evaluácie. Súčasťou rozvojovej diskusie (ak to tak môžeme nazvať) bolo i zapájanie slovenských subjektov do schém EÚ, aktívnejšie odovzdávanie transformačnej skúsenosti a večná téma rozšírenia okruhu realizátorov o podnikateľov a prepojenie rozvojovej pomoci s obchodnou politikou.
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The year 2010 was a long-anticipated milestone in the field of official development assistance. The EU donor countries committed themselves to spending the amount worth 0.33 per cent (for EU15) or 0.17 per cent of GDP (for new member states) respectively on development cooperation by 2010. Not only the financial crisis but also the long-criticized unwillingness to increase the development assistance budget in the times of enormous economic growth has led Slovakia into an embarrassing position, as roughly a half of the minimum agreed GDP percentage is spent on development assistance. Unfortunately, it is still true that instead of discussing meaningful increase and the capacity building matters, Slovakia is forced to reflect on the possible ways of maintaining at least the attained level from previous years. The fact that the agreed level has not been attained by the majority of EU countries could not pose any consolation.
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From the perspective of the official development assistance of the Slovak Republic (ODA or SlovakAid), 2008 can be seen as a very hectic year of transformation, due to the implementation of fundamental changes. The first change was that the Act on the Official Development Assistance of the Slovak Republic came into force on February 1, 2008, which modified the system transformation of development assistance management and financing. This transformation had already started in 2007, with the establishment of the Slovak Agency for International Development Cooperation (SAMRS). At the same time, the end of 2008 was devoted to preparing the new Medium-Term Strategy for the Official Development Assistance of the Slovak Republic for the years 2009-2013, which was approved by the Government on March 4, 2009. The strategy was preceded by extensive discussion on the future direction of Slovakia’s ODA. It is perhaps a shame that the ‘reform’ was not deeper.
More...
The Official Development Assistance (ODA) is an important pillar of the Slovak foreign policy. Its importance is still growing; therefore an attempt should be made to expand its scope in the years to come. The year 2007 can be marked as a significant one for the development assistance. This article analyzes mainly the institutional and the legislative changes in the Slovak ODA and compares the territorial and sectoral focus of bilateral projects in the periods before and after these changes took effect. According to the document Slovakia’s Foreign Policy Orientation 20071 , the development assistance is an important part of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) and its member states. Slovakia provides its official development assistance on the basis of principles of international development policy, including the EU development policy, and in line with the foreign and economic policy priorities of the Slovak Republic (SR). The goal of the Slovak ODA is to contribute to the accomplishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the key areas, including alleviation of poverty and hunger, achievement of universal elementary education, support of gender equality, reduction of infant mortality rate, focus on the struggle against the HIV/AIDS and relief of global environmental problems. Besides the assistance itself, the bilateral development projects help to strengthen the bonds of these countries with the SR, support establishment of Slovak actors (institutions, businesses) abroad, create institutional and expert capacities in the SR and influence the public opinion.
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Development assistance of the Slovak Republic has been receiving yet more and more attention of expert circles, media and broad public. The question is whether it is caused by the results in this field or by the generally favorable conditions and external circumstances. The answer is partially both. In 2005, Slovak ODA already recorded measurable results. The first projects starting in 2004 under the brand Slovak Aid were brought to an end and new ones started. Thus, the number of projects financed by the Slovak Republic exceeded 100. The development projects have drawn the attention of broader sphere of businesses, nongovernmental as well as governmental institutions. Moreover, the projects draw more attention of the media, as well.
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Hungary demonstrates a relatively high level of ethnic and particularly high level of cultural homogeneity. Nevertheless, due to its geographical position, Hungary has played the role both as transit and source as well as destination country for both regular and irregular migration during the past decades. In the context of the recent large-scale irregular migration towards (Western) Europe, however, Hungary has rather been a transit country, experiencing serious pressure at its southern border urging the government to take firm action. As mem-ber of the European Union since 2004 and of the Schengen Treaty since 2007, a part of Hungary’s border forms the external borders of the European Union.
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There was hardly any migration policy in Poland at the time of its political transition. The EU accession process seemed to be a natural incentive to develop a legal and institutional framework which, in the case of Poland, was more inspired by the public administration than it was a grass-roots process deriving from actual needs connected with intensive migration patterns. In 1991 Poland began to sign and respect most significant instruments of international law dedicated to the protection of refugees. In 1991, Poland became a member of the Council of Europe, in 1992 joined the International Organization for Migration and in 1993 ratified the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.1 Poland is generally perceived as an emigration country, which is a result of the increasing number of Polish emigrants since the country joined the EU.2 Until the recent migration crisis, immigration to Poland constituted only an insignificant percentage, while emigration after 2004 intensified even further.3 However, for the past couple of years, it has been taking increasing numbers of foreigners, especially from Eastern Europe.
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The case studies presented in this monograph indicate that the international reality cannot be easily reduced to one single dimension. Each IR theory provides only a partial truth on the factors influencing foreign policy making. International relations in East Asia resemble a mosaic of intertwining processes of globalization and regionalization, interests of global and regional powers, local social and economic conditions, national institutional arrangements, and even personal factors. Sometimes a sudden change of one small element in this mosaic suffices to influence the whole system. Instead of providing a simplified interpretation of these processes, the proposed monograph tries to illustrate them in their entire complexity.
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Bank finance has been found as an important source of funds for most firms in Ghana. The study assessed the impact of GCB SME LOAN on the activities of Small Scale Industries. The study used primary data which were designed and administered to SMEs customers of GCB and staff of GCB. A sample size of 170 made up of 20 staff of GCB bank and 150 owners of SME customers who deal with the bank and have benefited from the SME LOAN SUITE. The study concluded that with the use of GCB SME LOAN, there has been improvement in the profits of both the customers and bank. Also, the study identified four main challenges which were; increased in the amount of money, reduce interest rate, advertisement and extend the period of bridge loan that militate against the GCB SME LOAN of GCB bank. It was recommended that since GCB bank is contributing more to SMEs, they should give in their best to increase the amount of the loan and to extend the period of bridge loan to help boost their outreach.
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In this study, the long-time commuting patterns of workers in six of the biggest metropolises of the world were observed – New Delhi, Mexico City, São Paulo, Manilla, Nairobi, and Accra – located in very different geographic regions, and all of them coming from the developing world. The main question to be answered was whether there is scope for labor policy changes towards productivity improvements in this area. The findings brought fundamental insights to the debate about big cities' problems to avoid becoming more crowded, congested, and polluted, reducing sustainability, productivity, and economic growth. Simple random samples of workers in the Metropolitan Areas of each city were surveyed electronically, by ‘Google-Forms e-survey’ during the second half of 2019. The sample proportions were the estimators of the population proportions. Considering specific error margins – below 5 percentage points – for each city, and with a 95 percent point of confidence level, the authors used proportion (p) sample distributions to draw inferences about the population of workers. It was found that long-time commuters are between 12 and 26 percent of the workers who participated in the survey. More than 65 percent of workers in all the cities observed were interested in reducing commuting time. More than half of the workers agreed that reducing commuting time could improve labor productivity, and approximately the same share is aware of the negative effects on quality of life and health. Labor policy changes in these six metropolises have the potential of affecting more than 6.5 million workers.
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This paper describes and analyses the branding campaigns of Thailand from 1998 to 2011, shows how the brand has evolved, explains the best practices applied by the Thai authorities in this field and assesses the effects of the branding strategy from the perspective of the increasing number of tourists, revenues from tourism and the country’s international prestige.
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