![Viorella Manolache, Political Philosophy in Motion .mkv, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2018_45258.jpg)
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This paper deals with the image of a modern market-oriented political party. It shows the components that affect the perception of the party as well as marketing activities for its image attractiveness upgrade. A key part of the article is to analyze the market oriented party activities in the area marketing communication, which implementation can contribute to favorable advantage in political image struggle.
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The research project Russian Information Warfare against the Ukrainian State and Defence Forces: April-December 2014 was carried out by scholars from the Estonian National Defence College Centre for Applied Studies under the auspices of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence. Our cooperation partners were the University of Tartu Institute of Social Studies and the Headquarters of the Estonian Defence Forces Strategic Communication Department. This was an interdisciplinary endeavour involving political, historical, military, and communication studies.
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The following chapter unveils the conceptual background for the on-going Russian-Ukrainian conflict that began in 2014 by explaining the nature of unconventional warfare, the role of information warfare in it, and how they relate to the new Russian military doctrine. Increasing our knowledge of Russian strategies in exploiting different avenues for realising its geopolitical ambitions helps other countries, especially those neighbouring Russia, to build their own strategies for countering these attempts. This is of utmost importance to NATO in order to enhance its unity in the face of Russia’s possible attempts to try something similar against, for example, the Baltic States. Over the last years these countries have continuously faced deliberate efforts by Russia to discredit them in the international arena.
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The issue of group rights is not a new one for political thought and practice. In late 20th-early 21st century it has resurfaced in political-international discourses and practices and normative-theoretical debates. The concept of group rights is of interest because of the normative, evaluative, and descriptive role it plays both in theory and practice and it is its debatable nature that we are interested in. Our main argument is that the concept of group rights reveals significant shortcomings for as much it is justified, at the same time it appears to be unsustainable (theoretically and empirically) for a number of reasons. We begin with a discussion of the concept of group rights in the universalist-vs.-particularist perspective and go beyond it to introduce the “group rights” debates and critically discuss its inherent controversies. We use a history-of-ideas approach to introduce the origin and evolution of the more general concept of “rights” as the natural setting within which the concept of “group rights” is tackled. Then we apply methods of substantive conclusions and of normative and political analyses of concepts that are pertinent to both normative political theory and to political science. The study reveals that straightforward and clear-cut “black-and-white” claims are hard to sustain when it comes to the justification, necessity, implications or functional usefulness related to the concept of group rights.
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The author examines a prevalent practice to find politicians or candidates running for office morally deficient and to demand either their removal from office or disqalification from the political race. The author’s main thesis is that such practice is, in many cases, irrational because it prevents qualified candidates from holding political offices. In order to defend this claim, these moral failures are first classified and then three main arguments are offered in order to show that in at least three types of cases politicians should not pay for their immorality with the political function they occupy or they aspire to occupy. Finally, some possible objections to the presented position are considered and answered.
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This article explores why economic sanctions are increasingly being used despite their ineffectiveness. It attempts to contribute to the theoretical debate surrounding strategic communications (SC) by suggesting a novel holistic approach, based on a neo-Gramscian reading of international political economy, followed by examining the case of Iran under sanctions as an illustration of theory in action. The Iranian case is most suitable for the analysis of SC for its recency, durability, eccentricity and dramatic character. The paper expands the analysis of strategic communications by considering the following dimensions: the strategic and constitutive realms of social power relations, the ethical backgrounds of SC and the normative and emancipatory power of strategic narratives in Iran. It concludes that the tactical inefficiency of SC with Iran can be explained by a failure of Western strategic communicators to understand the country’s socio-cultural constitutive, ethical and normative elements that reproduce the modalities of social behaviour.
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The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 has led to meaningful social, political and economic transformations. The destabilization of polish country, during changes in political system, started the development of the organized crime, abusing the authority and investigative authorities’ weakness. The 90’s are the greatest time of two, coming from Warsaw, groups, which managed to subordinate the whole criminal country – Pruszkow and Wolomin. The “mafi a decade” of Pruszkow and Wolomin is the time of: earning enormous fortune, spectacular events and extremely bloody war, carrying a huge number of victims. 90’s is also the time of using experience in creating eff ective system of fi ghting against organized crime. Introducing in 1997 the term of crown witness – “apologetic criminal” became the decisive moment. Spectacular end of Pruszkow was the eff ect of the statement of crown witness – gangsters aggravating their cooperatives. It is all mostly about Jaroslaw Sokolowski, nickname “Masa”. His statement appeared crucial during investigations at the most important members of Pruszkow’s group. Sokolowski`s “fl awlessness” as a crown witness, is not clear, in spite 20 years lasted from mentioned incident. The case of Pruszkow and Wolomin presents the danger for country`s safety, what comes from the side of organized crime, during political transformation.
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This article presents the results of the empirical research on the relationship between political preferences and environmental awareness among the inhabitants of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The author’s aim was to answer whether respondents’ political preferences transfer to their environmental attitudes - how they perceive the hierarchy of beings and the moral meaning of nature in particular, but also, their willingness to pro-ecological attitude and their readiness to sacrifi ce their own business for the interest of the environment.
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Over the short XX. century, the existing political regimes lent themselves to a relatively easy classification: the grey zone around the invisible dividing line of the scale stretching from ideal democracy to extreme totalitarianism remained empty. Since then, however, an increasing number of regimes find themselves in this intermediate zone, some of their properties recallling familiar instances of democracy, others bringing them closer to familiar instances of autocracy. The Orbán-regime, too, seems to belong to this group of regimes with apparently uncertain identity. This article suggests that we look at the grey zone regimes from a new perspective. Habitually, one tries to classify them by way of “snapsots”: static descrip tions of their main properties. I will argue for focusing instead on the dynamics of their change. Under such a dynamic approach, the Orbán-regime will appear as an autocracy already in the first part of its first electoral cycle. My conception is centered around the concept of autocratic breakthrough. By autocratic breakthrough, I understand a more or less simultaneous and overwhelming attack against all the pillars of the rule of law and the freedom of the press. If the model of autocratic breakthrough is workable then it can serve, among other things, as an “early warning system”.
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Voting is a widespread practice in the modern world’s democracies. The classification of electoral systems is not as self-evident as it may seem, because they can be categorized according to many different principles, so the choice of which one to highlight is to a great extent a matter of subjective judgment. District magnitude (the number of seats per district), voting for individual candidates or for party-lists, choosing the majority principle or proportional representation, and the proportionality of outcomes are just a few of the basic and well known criteria used to classify electoral systems. The first aim of this paper is to put forward a different and less known criterion for approaching and classifying electoral systems: the ballot structure (labelled after Douglas Rae), which seems to be one of the important dimensions of any electoral system, because it concerns whether voters can express their ranked preferences for candidates across political parties. The special effects of preferential voting systems on democracy and party systems can be monitored in the case of Australia. The second goal of this study therefore is an empirical analysis of Australian federal elections with their own peculiarities.
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Radicalisation, and in particular far-right radicalisation, is one of the most pressing issues in Georgia today. Recent developments, such as the mobilisation of far-right and conservative groups, have demonstrated the need to strengthen efforts to prevent radicalisation and to raise public awareness of the issue. The rise of the radical right threatens the country’s democratic development, its peace and the operation of state institutions. In fact, since 2012 we have only seen a growth in these groups in Georgia. The country’s society has proven to be fertile ground for far-right politics and the government’s tolerance only supports the strengthening of these groups’ influence in Georgian political life.
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Upon being elected to the presidential office, Volodymyr Zelenskyy dissolved the parliament during his inauguration speech on May 20th 2019, paving the way for a snap election. That blitzkrieg helped him remove the unfriendly legislature and expand his grip on power by having his party ride the wave of popularity it was receiving. At that point, the Servant of the People party was ahead of any of its established competitors in the polls. The problem was that the party did not yet exist.
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The study of tolerance become extremely important 60 years ago when Allport discusses the nature of prejudice due to the increasing multi-diversity society. Tolerance then has been observed as a critical key element in the multi-diversity society politically, ethnically, religiously and culturally ever since. The previous study demonstrated that tolerance has a constructive effect on social solidity and coherence. Nonetheless, it is found an insufficient amount of information on rational voting behavior when ethnic and political tolerance factors are involved. This study has been conducted to explore factors of rational voting behavior in Malaysia in regards to ethnic and political tolerance. A quantitative study uses a survey method with a questionnaire as a data collection technique involving three parliamentary areas is observed. Data then analyzed using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) with 600 respondents were engaged in the study using multistage cluster and random sampling techniques. The result revealed that while political tolerance is not statistically significant with voting behaviour, but ethnic tolerance evidenced a substantial negative relationship. Ethnic tolerance and political tolerance both had a significant positive relationship. It also revealed that voting behaviour positively influenced by the level of education, a party supported and ethnic identity. Hence, it is clear that ethnic political tolerance has a considerable consequence on the rationale of voting behavior. However, the effects are diverse, in which identical and dissimilar ethnicities act as mediation elements. This study gratifies the aperture to the current body of knowledge and allows great connotation at a situation where ethnic politics are observed as the most important material and tolerance becomes a salient factor in managing Malaysia’s society.
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The paper presents the history of the populist dimension. Populism is depicted in this article as a phenomenon with many planes of conceptualization. In order to combine the considerations of populism and the party system, Czech groups have been investigated, which can be included in the current commonly called modern populism in modern politics. The subject of the study was not marginal groups, including detached parties, and those which have been present on the Czech political scene since 1993: ČSSD, ODS, TOP09, KDU-ČSL, ANO 2011, KSČM.
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One of the main internal social problems with which the institution of the Catholic Church struggles over the last two pontificates is the occurrence of pedophilia in its ranks. The article analyzes the difference in the approach to the problem over the last two pontificates, and the studied scale of the phenomenon and the territorial scope allow undoubtedly giving this practice a global character. Based on the analyzes of pontificates, the picture of the problem of pedophilia in the Church clearly emerges as a legacy after many years of policy of covering this type of sexual abuse by church leaders. The disclosure of cases of sexual abuse committed by ministers in individual countries was the direct cause of the crisis of the local universal Churches during the pontificate of Benedict XVI and Pope Francis.
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Drazen Petrovic was a unique personality. The outstanding Croatian sportsman opened the door to basketball careers for European players in the United States. The player, thanks to his extraoridinary skills and hard work, became a star in the American NBA league. He was often compared to Mozart. Finding many other similarities (beginning of the career at the young age, remarkable talent, unique approach to responsibilities etc.) he also died prematurely. The goal of the paper is to present the influence of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia on the figure’s personal life as well as his sports carrer with reference to the political situation in the former Yugoslavia. The goal was achieved through an analysis of references (Polish and English). The paper presents also statistical data illustrating the player’s achievements.
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This article analyses functions of birthday commemoration of veterans of Communist Party of China. Content analyses of official ceremonial speeches and case study was applied to research ceremonies of 120th anniversary of Mao Zedong birthday and 100th anniversary of Xi Zhongxun, Hu Yaobang and Liu Huaqing birthdays. The study is based on Maurice Halbwachs’s concept of collective memory. The results shows legitimizing function of those events – both of party rule over China and Xi Jinping leadership in the party.
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The article describes the specific features of the new terrorism in the Donbass which has the support of Russia in the struggle for influence on the policy of Ukraine. The terrorist organizations on Donbass are specific territorial units. Using the concept ‘state’, focusing on the Orthodox faith and idea of ‘Russian world’ this terrorism has purpose to capture a new territory, intimidation and demoralization of Ukraine and the world community. In the context of anti-terrorist operation in the Donbass region we studied also the dynamic of changing the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia. From December 6 to December 15, 2014 the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted All–Ukrainian poll of public opinion. Deterioration of attitudes towards Russia is observed in all regions. At the same time for studying attitude of Russians to Ukraine the Levada-center in Russia from 23 to 26 January, 2015 conducted a survey on a representative selection for Russian. The purpose of the second research is monitoring humanitarian aid needs of the residents of Donbass (Donetsk and Lugansk region). The research was conducted by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in December 2014 (the author of article is one of the organizers of this research). The humanitarian situation in Donbas has deteriorated during period from December 2014 to September 2015: increased number of respondents who estimate the situation of living conditions as unbearable in their localities. A significant share surveyed population (15%) would like to leave the localities of Lugansk and Donetsk region but they are not able. Despite a distress half of the residents of Donbass are optimistic and unite to help each other.
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