Semiologija političkih rituala i svetkovina

Author(s): Jelena Kleut / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 6/2008

Political rituals and ceremonies are defined in the frame of communication studies and then theoretically explored in semiotic perspective. The author analyses specific nature of representation of reality by its symbolic substitutes, and characteristics and functions of symbolic systems that participate in the construction of meaning. The question of interpretation of the messages communicated in political ritual and ceremonies, as a possible path toward understanding of their effects, is approached in the framework of presentational and discoursive symbols as theoretised by Susanne Langer

Viorella Manolache, Political Philosophy in Motion .mkv, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017

Author(s): Luiza-Maria Filimon / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

A Handke-jelenség

Author(s): Ármin Tillmann / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2020

Handke phenomenon

Prototyp „wzorcowego” wizerunku współczesnej zorientowanej rynkowo partii politycznej

Author(s): Marek Sempach / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4.1/2015

This paper deals with the image of a modern market-oriented political party. It shows the components that affect the perception of the party as well as marketing activities for its image attractiveness upgrade. A key part of the article is to analyze the market oriented party activities in the area marketing communication, which implementation can contribute to favorable advantage in political image struggle.

REALPOLITIK IN THE AFRICA – ONE CHINA NEXUS, 2001-2008: THE CASES OF CHAD AND MALAWI

Author(s): Bhaso Ndzendze / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

This paper investigates whether there was an opportunity cost for two African states (Chad and Malawi) in recognising the Republic of China (ROC) as the ‘One China’ over the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period between 2001 and their respective year of switching, which in turn could explain the direction of the switches. In this paper, opportunity cost was operationalised as relative economic loss (as measured through export volumes to either China) incurred that could have otherwise been avoided or compensated for by recognising the PRC over the ROC. In the timeframe studied, after two years for Chad and after one year for Malawi, both countries saw exponentially increased export volumes to the PRC once they affected a switch in recognition from the ROC, since recognising the PRC is concomitant with entering politically-enhanced bilateral economic relations at the behest of the economically stronger PRC. This indeed indicates an opportunity cost, and pursuit of realpolitik by the African countries studied who have switched back-and-forth between the two Chinas based on the prospective gains to be made.

THE FAILURE OF PEACEBUILDING IN SOMALIA: THE 'MYTH' OF THE NATION-STATE

Author(s): Ajogwu Samuel Igba,Cori Wielenga / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

There is a growing consensus in International Relations that the sovereign nation state, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, is a ‘myth’ because of the several nations that can be found within one sovereign entity, made so by the Berlin conference of 1885 that partitioned Africa. Regardless of this consensus, international peacebuilding theory and practice is biased towards maintaining these sovereign arrangements. Through a decolonial lens, peacebuilding in Somalia is explored as an example of how these biases affect peace in a multiethnic, multiclan, and diverse society.

THE INVISIBLE ‘GIFT’: THE CHIBOK BRAND AND BOKO HARAM

Author(s): Sven Botha / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Branding has become an essential activity in international relations as states require ways of distinguishing themselves from one another. A similar trend has emerged with non-state actors such as terrorist groups. Following the Chibok Kidnappings of April 2014, the ‘Chibok Brand’ emerged affording Boko Haram considerable international notoriety as the abduction of 276 schoolgirls by a non-state actor was unprecedented. Despite the success of the ‘Chibok Brand’, little research has been done to explain the dual usage of the ‘Chibok Brand.’ Hence, this paper seeks to explore the emergence and continued relevance of the ‘Chibok Brand’ using a combination of desktop research and Twitter analysis. The ‘Chibok Brand’ is explored from three different angles, namely: Boko Haram, the Nigerian government and the West. This paper finds that while the brand is still of relevance in the present time, it only remains so in relation to Boko Haram and the West. The absence of the reference to this brand by the Nigerian government suggests that it underestimates the value of the ‘Chibok Brand’ in sustaining Boko Haram, which could further impede counter-terrorism efforts.

ON THE DIALECTICAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EUROPE AND AFRICA

Author(s): Ana Pantea / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The paper explores the dialectical relationship between EU and Africa as it is driven by the relative asymmetric capacities and divergent priorities of the involved parties. Both the European Union and the African Union have enlarged their capabilities and increased their foreign policy ambitions over recent decades. However, the asymmetric relationship persisted. The increased visibility of the EU in the global arena and its “normative” ambitions meant a change in EU–Africa relations. However, in the last decades, Africa remained mostly undeveloped and we have witnessed increase in violent conflicts and state fragility, despite decades of “stick and carrot” institutional measures. This suggested that the existing EU-Africa cooperation formula should be improved. The regional power of the EU (structural power) determines how the EU relates to other actors, including the AU. As such, revisiting the policy cooperation errors of the past, building trust, and investing in academic cooperation are thus essential, through redefining the basis for cooperation between Europe and Africa.

SUB-SAHARAN SUFISM

Author(s): Ciprian Gabriel Oros / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Sufism is known as the mystic branch of Islam, one of the oldest religious currents in the Muslim world. Over time the followers of Sufism saw their relationship with Allah, Islam and involvement in politics differently. They not only questioned the role of asceticism and materialism, sharia and different interpretations of the Qur'an, but became involved in the political struggle. The most eloquent example is that of the role of Sufi brotherhoods in West Africa in the anti-colonial struggle and the transformation of their speech into a radical one, starting from its nodal point, justice.

CAMEROON’S ANGLOPHONE CRISIS: ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL, SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACT

Author(s): Roxana Mateş / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The article aims to analyse the present Anglophone conflict in Cameroon as a consequence of a perpetual political crisis, which has its roots in the colonial administration of the territory. Moreover, the Anglophone crisis is presented as a situation of a minority’s marginalization and discrimination, highlighting the so-called francophonisation of the Anglophone system and the issue of the state’s mismanagement of cultural diversity. Another interpretation tacked by the article is that the current crisis represents the direct consequence of the authoritarian style of leadership and of the dysfunctional democracy in the country. There are also illustrated the myriad of negative political, social and economic consequences of the crisis, by presenting the relation between the threatened political and economic stability of the country and the increased state authority and violence.

Introduction: Research Aims and Methodology

Author(s): Kristiina Müür,Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt,Vladimir Sazonov / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2017

The research project Russian Information Warfare against the Ukrainian State and Defence Forces: April-December 2014 was carried out by scholars from the Estonian National Defence College Centre for Applied Studies under the auspices of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence. Our cooperation partners were the University of Tartu Institute of Social Studies and the Headquarters of the Estonian Defence Forces Strategic Communication Department. This was an interdisciplinary endeavour involving political, historical, military, and communication studies.

Changing Concepts of War: Russia’s New Military Doctrine and the Concept of Hybrid Warfare

Author(s): Karl Salum,Aarne Ermus / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2017

The following chapter unveils the conceptual background for the on-going Russian-Ukrainian conflict that began in 2014 by explaining the nature of unconventional warfare, the role of information warfare in it, and how they relate to the new Russian military doctrine. Increasing our knowledge of Russian strategies in exploiting different avenues for realising its geopolitical ambitions helps other countries, especially those neighbouring Russia, to build their own strategies for countering these attempts. This is of utmost importance to NATO in order to enhance its unity in the face of Russia’s possible attempts to try something similar against, for example, the Baltic States. Over the last years these countries have continuously faced deliberate efforts by Russia to discredit them in the international arena.

The Concept of Group Rights from Universalist-Particularist Perspective and Beyond

Author(s): Maria Bakalova,Blaga Blagoeva / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The issue of group rights is not a new one for political thought and practice. In late 20th-early 21st century it has resurfaced in political-international discourses and practices and normative-theoretical debates. The concept of group rights is of interest because of the normative, evaluative, and descriptive role it plays both in theory and practice and it is its debatable nature that we are interested in. Our main argument is that the concept of group rights reveals significant shortcomings for as much it is justified, at the same time it appears to be unsustainable (theoretically and empirically) for a number of reasons. We begin with a discussion of the concept of group rights in the universalist-vs.-particularist perspective and go beyond it to introduce the “group rights” debates and critically discuss its inherent controversies. We use a history-of-ideas approach to introduce the origin and evolution of the more general concept of “rights” as the natural setting within which the concept of “group rights” is tackled. Then we apply methods of substantive conclusions and of normative and political analyses of concepts that are pertinent to both normative political theory and to political science. The study reveals that straightforward and clear-cut “black-and-white” claims are hard to sustain when it comes to the justification, necessity, implications or functional usefulness related to the concept of group rights.

Prosuđivanje političara na moralnoj osnovi

Author(s): Neven Petrović / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2019

The author examines a prevalent practice to find politicians or candidates running for office morally deficient and to demand either their removal from office or disqalification from the political race. The author’s main thesis is that such practice is, in many cases, irrational because it prevents qualified candidates from holding political offices. In order to defend this claim, these moral failures are first classified and then three main arguments are offered in order to show that in at least three types of cases politicians should not pay for their immorality with the political function they occupy or they aspire to occupy. Finally, some possible objections to the presented position are considered and answered.

SANCTIONS—STRATEGIC MISCOMMUNICATIONS? THE CASE OF IRAN

Author(s): Ksenia Kirkham / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2019

This article explores why economic sanctions are increasingly being used despite their ineffectiveness. It attempts to contribute to the theoretical debate surrounding strategic communications (SC) by suggesting a novel holistic approach, based on a neo-Gramscian reading of international political economy, followed by examining the case of Iran under sanctions as an illustration of theory in action. The Iranian case is most suitable for the analysis of SC for its recency, durability, eccentricity and dramatic character. The paper expands the analysis of strategic communications by considering the following dimensions: the strategic and constitutive realms of social power relations, the ethical backgrounds of SC and the normative and emancipatory power of strategic narratives in Iran. It concludes that the tactical inefficiency of SC with Iran can be explained by a failure of Western strategic communicators to understand the country’s socio-cultural constitutive, ethical and normative elements that reproduce the modalities of social behaviour.

Przestępczość zorganizowana w Polsce po 1989 r. - Pruszków i Wołomin

Author(s): Szymon Wasielewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 has led to meaningful social, political and economic transformations. The destabilization of polish country, during changes in political system, started the development of the organized crime, abusing the authority and investigative authorities’ weakness. The 90’s are the greatest time of two, coming from Warsaw, groups, which managed to subordinate the whole criminal country – Pruszkow and Wolomin. The “mafi a decade” of Pruszkow and Wolomin is the time of: earning enormous fortune, spectacular events and extremely bloody war, carrying a huge number of victims. 90’s is also the time of using experience in creating eff ective system of fi ghting against organized crime. Introducing in 1997 the term of crown witness – “apologetic criminal” became the decisive moment. Spectacular end of Pruszkow was the eff ect of the statement of crown witness – gangsters aggravating their cooperatives. It is all mostly about Jaroslaw Sokolowski, nickname “Masa”. His statement appeared crucial during investigations at the most important members of Pruszkow’s group. Sokolowski`s “fl awlessness” as a crown witness, is not clear, in spite 20 years lasted from mentioned incident. The case of Pruszkow and Wolomin presents the danger for country`s safety, what comes from the side of organized crime, during political transformation.

Preferencje polityczne a świadomość ekologiczna - przypadek mieszkańców województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego

Author(s): Wojciech TREMPAŁA / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

This article presents the results of the empirical research on the relationship between political preferences and environmental awareness among the inhabitants of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The author’s aim was to answer whether respondents’ political preferences transfer to their environmental attitudes - how they perceive the hierarchy of beings and the moral meaning of nature in particular, but also, their willingness to pro-ecological attitude and their readiness to sacrifi ce their own business for the interest of the environment.

Demokráciából autokráciába. A rendszertipológia és az átmenet dinamikája

Author(s): János Kis / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2019

Over the short XX. century, the existing political regimes lent themselves to a relatively easy classification: the grey zone around the invisible dividing line of the scale stretching from ideal democracy to extreme totalitarianism remained empty. Since then, however, an increasing number of regimes find themselves in this intermediate zone, some of their properties recallling familiar instances of democracy, others bringing them closer to familiar instances of autocracy. The Orbán-regime, too, seems to belong to this group of regimes with apparently uncertain identity. This article suggests that we look at the grey zone regimes from a new perspective. Habitually, one tries to classify them by way of “snapsots”: static descrip tions of their main properties. I will argue for focusing instead on the dynamics of their change. Under such a dynamic approach, the Orbán-regime will appear as an autocracy already in the first part of its first electoral cycle. My conception is centered around the concept of autocratic breakthrough. By autocratic breakthrough, I understand a more or less simultaneous and overwhelming attack against all the pillars of the rule of law and the freedom of the press. If the model of autocratic breakthrough is workable then it can serve, among other things, as an “early warning system”.

Ki az „igazi” győztes? A választások néhány elméleti és gyakorlati aspektusa

Author(s): Levente Nagy / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2019

Voting is a widespread practice in the modern world’s democracies. The classification of electoral systems is not as self-evident as it may seem, because they can be categorized according to many different principles, so the choice of which one to highlight is to a great extent a matter of subjective judgment. District magnitude (the number of seats per district), voting for individual candidates or for party-lists, choosing the majority principle or proportional representation, and the proportionality of outcomes are just a few of the basic and well known criteria used to classify electoral systems. The first aim of this paper is to put forward a different and less known criterion for approaching and classifying electoral systems: the ballot structure (labelled after Douglas Rae), which seems to be one of the important dimensions of any electoral system, because it concerns whether voters can express their ranked preferences for candidates across political parties. The special effects of preferential voting systems on democracy and party systems can be monitored in the case of Australia. The second goal of this study therefore is an empirical analysis of Australian federal elections with their own peculiarities.

Far-right radicalisation and Russian soft power

Author(s): Ucha Nanuashvili / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (42)/2020

Radicalisation, and in particular far-right radicalisation, is one of the most pressing issues in Georgia today. Recent developments, such as the mobilisation of far-right and conservative groups, have demonstrated the need to strengthen efforts to prevent radicalisation and to raise public awareness of the issue. The rise of the radical right threatens the country’s democratic development, its peace and the operation of state institutions. In fact, since 2012 we have only seen a growth in these groups in Georgia. The country’s society has proven to be fertile ground for far-right politics and the government’s tolerance only supports the strengthening of these groups’ influence in Georgian political life.