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The aim of this paper is to study a specific aspect of the Communist foreign propaganda policy in Latin America: its cultural influence through the export of films. Renewed after Stalin´s death, Soviet cultural propaganda concentrated on gaining the favour of foreign public. Particularly in Argentina, several propaganda techniques were implemented. Although the export of films was just one of them, it soon became very successful thanks to the collaboration of a local cultural mediator, the film distribution company Artkino Pictures, as well as its owner and founder, Argentino Vainikoff. His expertise in the field actually gained him a new business deal with Czechoslovak filmography, which somewhat contested USSR imagery. In all, here –with the aid of oral history as well as contemporary press analysis– we argue that Artkino´s role in the import of an idealised imaginary of Communism was crucial and had a particularly strong impact on middle-class citizens of the cultural and artistic regional centre that Buenos Aires was in the 1950s and 1960s, and from where all Latin America, as the Soviets soon acknowledged, could be reached.
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The paper regards comparative studying of the semantic devices of euphemization used in Russian and German political texts. Based on the public speeches of the political leaders of Russia and Germany, the distinctive features and general functions of political euphemisms as effective means to conceal the genuine sense of utterances are revealed. The most frequent semantic means of negative meaning reduction are found in both languages. They are the usage of lexemes with diffusive semantics, metaphors, diplomatic clichés, and collocations, as well as the introduction of lexemes with positive connotations, etc. The differential and common for both languages tendencies of political discourse euphemization are determined.
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This paper focuses on two questions. Firstly, how the use of argumentative anaphora to express an opinion / truth dissociation (Perelman) should be described in terms of grammatical / lexical resources. The other question has a methodological dimension: in which aspects could this approach distinguish itself from linguistic or discursive studies?
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As the nexus between film industry and state apparatus has grown critical and complex in the wake of war on terror, academic circle have paid attention to identify the patterns of relationship between entertainment industry of a country and its foreign policy. To understand the role of the soft power in assisting governments to secure their interests at international level, this article examines the relationship between Bollywood and the Indian foreign policy through the lens of critical political economy of communication approach. Popular films portraying tension and cooperation between the South Asian neighbors were critically analyzed, and the results indicated that Bollywood closely followed the foreign policy initiative of the Indian government.
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Estimates say up to 10,000 people marched through the Hungarian capital against growing authoritarianism.
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In this article, after briefly characterising the Polish minority in Lithuania, I describe the media that are available in the Polish language in Lithuania and then show why Polish-language media channels are not an attractive source of reference for young representatives of the Polish minority. At the same time, I explain the origin of young people’s aversion to ethnic media and what causes their exodus towards Lithuanian- and Russian-language media. In particular, I present cultural and historical reasons for the attractiveness of Russian-language media, which many young representatives choose as an alternative to Polish ethnic media. Finally, I reflect on the consequences of moving away from Polish-language media coverage and the future of the minority itself without it.I use narrative interviews conducted by me with young representatives of the Polish minority in Lithuania who came to Poland for educational purposes, mainly to study. Additional material also includes interviews with journalists working in minority media. I also use desk research analysis and a literature review.
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This article examines the evolving narratives of the German political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its potential as a hybrid threat. Through narrative manipulation, the AfD has demonstrated its ability to influence public discourse and distort reality via disinformation dissemination. The AfD established in 2013 in response to the financial crisis and dissatisfaction with the European Union, has transitioned into a populist party, and along with this change, it has also changed its narrative. This shift was notably evident during the migrant crisis in 2015, showcasing the party's adeptness at evoking fear and animosity among German voters. The AfD's narratives have been for years similar to those of the Russian Federation, which has used almost identical narratives on some topics. The German party is consequently working with Russian politicians to reshape democratic politics within Europe, and the AfD is accordingly acting as a hybrid threat to the entire European Union. The study is based on a discourse analysis of interviews conducted with German experts on the topic as well as a content analysis of selected German media to explore these narrative dynamics and their broader implications.
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Terrorism has been often considered to be a subjective label rather than a distinct form of violence. Discourse has played an important role in creating the threat of terrorism, as well as in the legitimisation of counterterrorism level. The importance of studying discourse can thus no longer be denied. This article analysed the character of official discourse on terrorism delivered by Australian prime ministers between 9/11 and the end of 2019, since Australia is one of the countries involved in the War on Terror. The author used the NVivo software to analyse speeches delivered by John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott, Scott Morrison, and Malcolm Turnbull. She applies Norman Fairclough’s three-level Critical Discourse Analysis to study the character of the speeches, positive and negative emotions which were invoked by the speeches and the connections that were drawn to other discourses. She also analyses the context in which the speeches were delivered as well as the adopted counterterrorism measures that were legitimized in the speeches. The results of the analysis demonstrated that all Australian prime ministers used the terrorism label to some extent, however each of them delivered speeches on terrorism that had a different character. All of the analysed prime ministers, with the exception of Kevin Rudd, also presented emotional discourse on terrorism. The article demonstrates how is the terrorism label portrayed differently by each speaker, and that not all discourse on terrorism has to necessarily be emotional.
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The study focused on the phenomenon of political marketing, political communication, and their application in world politics during the post-truth era with an emphasis on the territory of the United States of America. The aim of the study was to identify several aspects of these disciplines during the dynamic technological progress which makes it possible to develop misleading manipulative techniques and spread disinformation. The emerging issues of the current state of the online sphere such as abuse of personal data for one's own political gain, dissemination of false news that radicalizes the public and threats to the security of free and fair elections and a democracy relate to other concerns such as a polarized society and electoral integrity. Politics has always been, and will continue to be, an infinite number of shades of grey. Absolute honesty and elimination of negative advertising or propaganda is neither realistic nor desirable, though we consider it important to strive for more ethical election campaigns. The conclusion of this article can be applied to other studies that will continue the research on the given topic and will respond to the current challenges of democracy.
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Alexandru Lahovari's success, as a politician and statesman, is undoubtedly due to his exceptional oratorical talent, along with his solid culture, his passionate nature, with his measure and spirit of justice, and, as with all great orators, his faith strong in the truth and justice of her words, which, as a rule, she managed to convey to the audience as well. Listening to Alexandru Lahovary when he spoke, you thought that there were two personalities in him: one that spoke to the mind; it was his mind. Another that went to the heart was his warm and sincere passion. This is why in his speech as in his deed he was both measured and vehement, both respectful and mocking, both logical and enthusiastic. His pressed word, united with the decisive gesture and the persuasive look, gave his reasoning even greater power. In the political order, there was no freedom that Lahovari did not defend, no national interest that he did not support. Going through any of Alexandru Lahovari's speeches, you get the interesting impression that he is (almost) always right and, transposing yourself in time, with an effort of imagination, over a century back, you are with him, you feel how he convinces you in most cases, even if you belong to another era and even if you have, perhaps, other political beliefs, what does this secret consist of? Precisely in Lahovari's art of oratory, comparable, we think, with that of your Mihail Kogălniceanu or that of Nicolae Titulescu. But let's see what his contemporaries thought about the great conservative politician.
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After the double election of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, on January 5 and 24, 1859, the Romanian political class was preoccupied with the international recognition of the new ruler and the perfection of administrative unity. All these efforts were supported by the activity of Romania's diplomatic agents in the French capital, the creation of the Agency itself representing a symbol of independence. The Agency of the United Principalities in Paris was officially recognized on August 26 / September 7, 1860, after Ioan Alecsandri (the first holder of the Agency) presented the letters of accreditation to the French Foreign Minister, Edouard Thouvenel, thus obtaining the right to use the cipher in his correspondence. Apart from Constantinople, where the existence of an Agency was provided for in the Paris Convention, during Cuza's reign, Agencies were established in Paris and Belgrade. In 1880, the Romanian Diplomatic Agency in Paris was transformed into the Romanian Legation in Paris, as a result of gaining state independence.
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The past two decades are reviewed to see how transparent donors have been and how it has impacted their partnership with recipient nations in Africa. Their partnership plays an essential role in how aid is implemented. Corruption in resource-rich African countries is often linked to transparency and accountability. There has been an ongoing development process to lift living standards across the continent for decades. This paper examines the role of donors in promoting or preventing transparency in aid-dependent countries. It finds that while donor efforts have been significant, they often face limitations due to local context and lack of transparency. The donor-recipient relationship's power imbalance is a significant factor in aid effectiveness. Donors can influence projects and impose conditions, but recipient countries lack ownership. This imbalance can lead to disappointing or sustainable aid outcomes. This paper investigates the governance gap and the relationship between good governance, accountability, and transparency of donors. One of the most important areas in which to increase aid is transparency in operations. An index is provided to evaluate and classify donors according to the transparency of their aid efforts through ranking and assessing donors' transparency in aid delivery. This is done by providing a comprehensive understanding, which can enhance transparency research in recipient countries when combined with conceptualization and operationalization.
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The integration of digital technologies into political processes represents a pivotal shift in the operational dynamics of political parties, highlighting an evolution from traditional to digital platforms. This transformation offers greater member engagement and decision-making transparency while also introducing new challenges in terms of security and control. This study presents an analytical overview of the Helios voting system as implemented by the Czech Pirate Party, used not only for primary elections, offering a critical examination of its operational framework, security measures, verification processes, and implications for intra-party democracy and member engagement. The Czech Pirate Party's engagement with Helios exemplifies a broader trend toward digitalization within political organizations, reflecting both the potential benefits and inherent challenges of such technological adoption. Drawing on theoretical insights from the literature on political party transformation in the digital age, this article assesses how i-voting systems like Helios can potentially enhance or detract from internal democracy. The discourse around digital platforms is nuanced, revealing opportunities for increased democratic engagement alongside risks of enhanced centralization and control. Empirical data from a survey of the Czech Pirate Party's membership base provides insights into perceptions of the Helios system's usability, security, and its impact on democratic processes within the party. The study further investigates Helios's technical aspects, focusing on its security protocols, verification mechanisms, and governance structures related to data and platform ownership, to understand its implications for electoral integrity and party governance. The research aims to contribute to the dialogue on e-voting platforms, highlighting the need for a careful balance between embracing technological advancements and upholding democratic principles.
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