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This work focuses on the research of media texts from the daily newspaper New York Times, which include words “Balkans”/“Balkan” and “Southeast Europe”/“Southeastern Europe”, and which were published over ten years period, from 1998 to 2007. Two columns were analyzed, “Editorials” and “Opinion”, since they are the best picture of the additude of media towards the subject or issue in question. The special focus was on the context and discourse of the stories about this region, keywords which were used and the question of different approach, depending on the words which authors used to refer to this area – Balkan or Southeast Europe. In order to give a wider picture about the sample, the media texts, this paper will start with the presentation of the New York Times, and after that the research will be presented – the general results, categories, variables and the most important conclusions.
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Different implications of media ownership on democratic capacity of Serbian society in the beginning of the new millennium are analysed in the paper. The frame of the research is democratic and market model of media policy which was established after political changes in Serbia in 2000. The aim of the paper is to identify the main problems of media ownership in Serbia in the process of adjustment to the European media policy. In order to understand the genesis of marked problems, they are observed in the context of current trends on wider – global – media market. It can be concluded that democratic and market model of media system does not guarantee the conditions for democratic public discussion and satisfaction of public interest.
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In this article, the author analyzes the relation between the media, the employees in the media and the politician and state officials, i.e. on several examples the author analyzes how much national interests and official statements have influence on the media reports. The author also analyzes how much those interests could have influence on wrong informations and how much that could keep crimes on secret. The word is about the example of Srebrenica on one side, and on the other side about crimes that were committed around Srebrenica, but against Serbs. The crimes against Serbs were kept on secret, but the crimes against Muslims were exaggerated. The general conclusion is that there is no pluralism of informations when the word is about the national and geostrategic interests. An example of that could be found in the Yugoslav experience, the Gulf-war, the Russia-Georgia war, etc. However, we could talk about pluralism of informations, when the word is about internal affairs in the societies in which the freedom of expression of different religious, political, philosophical, moral values and concepts exists.
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Referring to the thesis of 'essentially contested concepts' which, according to Walter Gallie, are concepts that, despite their proper use, cause radical and lengthy discussions and unresolvable disagreements among those who use them. In this paper we build the thesis that political communication is essentially a contested concept. To prove this assertion, first we make an overview of different approaches to the concept of 'politics' by showing how the term has changed over time and how it affected the various authors' determinations of definitions. Subsequently, referring to the term of 'communication' and finally to the definition of 'political communication', we demonstrated through the identification of the controversial elements that are commonly used in defining such concepts - that the basic thesis of this paper is true.
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The EU’s developing global role demands a new approach to communications outside the Union. Besides communicating its policies to its citizens in order to enhance their trust in the idea of the United Europe, it is also extremely important to provide information regarding its policies and ac-tions beyond its borders, to non-member countries and also to various international entities and or-ganizations. This approach is necessary because the strength of an organization’ (in our case the European Union’s) external reputation depends not only on the core values embedded in its domes-tic culture, but also on the way how it communicates them to various target publics. The paper anal-yses the external communication of the European Union (lines of action, actors involved, and communication realized through different policies) and how it affects the external image of the region, demonstrating the need for a coherent communication strategy that combines the interests of Member States with those of the European institutions and the needs of internal public with those of external public.
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Political engagement on social media is an important way for many individuals to express their political opinions and beliefs. Research has not fully explained the mechanism by which individuals use social media for political purposes. The 2012 U.S. Presidential Election provided a useful context to understand this mechanism. Thus, the study uses a representative survey sample of U.S. adults to examine the importance of the social media network on individuals’ political expression on these sites. After controlling for a host of demographic and attention to news media variables, the results suggest the more individuals’ social media network expresses themselves politically on social media, the more likely individuals express themselves too.
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The aim of this study is to describe the state of online journalism in Kosovo. It attempts to show how political interests and financial profit- seeking have caused chaos in the media on Kosovo, and have turned online journalism into a sham. The economics of click bait and the profits arising from it, the political control of the media, the low economic level, unemployment, and the political crisis all mean that most news served up by the portals attaches no importance to the truth, but only to sensation, and indeed consists of lies. The article provides an overview of the development of online journalism, which, under the tight control of the Kosovo political parties, has failed to perform its mission of presenting the truth.
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Albeit not a new phenomenon, lobbying is increasingly used in practice and is demonstrated as an inevitable method of exerting argumentative influence on decision-makers. However, from the standpoint of political practice, it is apparent that the job of professional lobbyists is not solely influencing decision-makers, but that it is a complex task preceded by continually informing and communicating with those represented by the lobbyists, as well as negotiating with decision-makers. Political lobbying takes place at the domestic and international level. With regard to contemporary international lobbying, the term generally refers to lobbying activities in Brussels and Washington. The United States are considered the cradle of lobbying, but lobbying is becoming a more independent and increasingly sought-after profession in the world as well. The general public often equals lobbying to corruption. In order to avoid such a comparison and the negative connotations to the lobbying activity, and in order to adequately act in the event of abuse of lobbying activities, individual states have enacted and adopted a law on lobbying.
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The author presents the way interactive analysis can be used as a means (mode, tool) of discriminate various types of discourse. As he understands the interaction as the coordination of the interlocutors, their cooperation and mutual adjustment in the process of dialog construction. The aim of the article is to describe the most important interactional conditionings in the political discourse in the mass media. According to the author’s research, these include the public character of the interaction, the social roles of the interlocutors and the mass character of communication.
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The paper will base on an attempt to bring the formal statement “there is no definition of freedom” to the realm of legal recognition and the disclosure of its legal concerns. Aware of the fact that a requirement of defining freedom can be overly unsound, just like an attempt to define a human being, we are drawn by the idea of summarizing these two requirements and putting them in the same plane. We could start from the attempt to recognize terms “human being” and “freedom” as synonyms, but we would bring ourselves to the blind side. Randomly speaking, terms “freedom” and “definition” are mutually exclusive and, to a light-minded opserver, this attempt can seem allogical in it’s essence and, at the very least, without logical connection between the terms and thus futile. But if we recognize the term “freedom” as the very possibility of autonomus and independent action, then the self-determination of a human being to be free can connotate an unconstrained and un-imprisioned human being. It has been established that the state of freedom is a birth wright of every selfconscious and reason-endowed human being, but also that every relation of an individual with a society is burdened with a certain degree of loss of the very same freedom. Following this path, we take upon ourselves the not-so-easy-task task to talk about the legal restrictions on freedom of expression in the public and the media as one of many aspects of freedom.
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The article examines the social role of the media in the modern age, looking for an answer to the question: to what extent are today’s media constrained in performing their primary functions (primarily information and education) by political and economic pressures, and to what extent they are active participants as opposed to just means for promotion of interests of other social reality actors. By using the theory of instrumentalization and applying it to the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and by presenting the results of empirical research conducted through interviews with key actors on the media scene in BiH, authors elaborate the thesis that BiH media represent a typical example of political instrumentalization and economic “disciplining” and, as such, are significantly constrained by political and economic pressures. This results in demotion of public interest from the top of the list of values which should be guiding the media.
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The rapid growth of the numbers of unaffiliated voters and the internet users caused politicians’ interest in these audiences and the start of their activities in these communication channels by establishing more personalized relationships with voters. This paper aims to analyze the communication of main parties and their candidates in social media channel “Facebook” and in popular Lithuanian internet news media portals, such as delfi.lt, lrytas.lt and others before the Parliamentary elections in 2012 and the forthcoming 2016 Parliamentary elections. Both quantitative and qualitative aspects of campaign coverage in the media portals and Facebook are analysed. The paper addresses the following questions: How important are factors such as new party emergence, parallel referendum campaign, and activity of using social media for the final result of elections? How active were the politicians in the Facebook? What content dominated their profiles? How much personalized were their messages? What strategies were used for communication? Did the politicians aim at mobilizing or at persuasion the voters? Involvement of citizens, voters’ turnout and political results are linked with campaign arguments and the value normative environment. We conclude by providing the discussion on the noticed tendencies and possible improvements in the communication of candidates for the future.
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The relationship between totalitarian propaganda and new media testifies to the double bond between technology and social rule and technosphere and total control. Speaking about the new totalitarianism, the emphasis is not placed in the way of political rule “the people”, rather than a radical change of the system of power over life of individual and mass. An important role in shaping of the media is based on the logic of universal transmedial irrational rationality order because neoliberal capitalism has no center and visible entities total economic powers that are invisible in complete transparency as a real illusion of new media. The task of a mass media is neutralize lived, unique, of event and character of the world and in its place set up a complex universe of media which are homogeneous to one another as such , pointing at each other. They become reciprocal content to each other and that is totalitarian “message” consumer society. Instead means of information and communication medial reality becomes a means or purpose of social cultural survival and hyper accumulating capital. Totalitarianism is ideological – political term that encompasses all sectors of life and overall has complete control. Total supervision or control is synonymous with capitalist globalization. Totalitarianism sources of information are focused to provide solutions to the formula suggested by the audience. The entirety of information presented shall be made public if the narrative about the lack of choice or no alternative, apparent manipulation brought to grotesque degree. To a large extent, the present abuses of emotions as critical awareness replace emotional impulses clearing the way for the unconscious. Through the media increasingly overcome growing manipulation of consciousness, as a means of absolute control and power with a vast amount of “professional” guided mass and narrow elitist minority that decides everything. In a totalitarian view of the state, culture becomes an ideological means or purpose of governing the masses based media constructions of reality and shaping the man as a “lonely crowd” with the ultimate goal of creating a “new world totalitarian order”.
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The article presents a theoretical synthesis that could serve as the conceptual framework for empirical studies of the fulfilment of electoral pledges in modern democracies. Studies related to the program-to-policy linkage derived their hypotheses, for the most part, from an implicit, common sense model of mandate theory. The article presents a realistic version of positive mandate theory, one that is stripped of its normative assumptions and is suitable for empirical testing. It is informed by five theoretical building blocks: the concept of the binding mandate, the party theory of representation, the doctrine of responsible party government, modern normative mandate theory and the conceptual pair of delegation and mandate. The resulting framework incorporates the information content of the campaigns, the definiteness of the authorization and the strength of pledge enactment as its core components.
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Rejection of the idea of the United Europe promoted by the European Union is the most common ideological pillar of the entire European extreme right movements. It does not mean, however, that these movements reject the pan-European cooperation since the extreme right groups are highly connected and cooperate on various international levels. In consequence, through the multilateral transfers of ideas, political programs, visions, and attitudes they create specific ideological offers and solutions. The main aim of this article is to reconstruct the image of the Europe and the European Union in the communication of the Polish extreme right. On the basis of the publications excerpted from the unofficially printed zines from 1990. and selected online publications published on the Polish extreme right websites within the period 2000–2010 the author tries to discover what kind of image of Europe and the EU predominates in communication of the extreme right, and what kind of alternatives for the idea of the United Europe have been promoted by the nationalist movements. The author uses methods and techniques of the corpus linguistics and refers to the constructivist theories of communication and the concept of the linguistic image of the world.
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The concept of the public sphere introduced by Jürgen Habermas in 1962 has shaped major normative perspectives in media and political communication scholarship for more than 30 years. In its initial form, the public sphere was conceptualized as a social space where the exchange of information on matters of public concern contributes to the development of a public opinion that functions as political power. The matters or events of “public” concern refer those that are “open to all in contrast to closed or exclusive affairs.” The concept of the public sphere was subjected to a number of scholarly accounts and critiques, many of which led to reconsideration of the notion of the public sphere in changing geopolitical conditions (the notions of global, European public sphere), a technological and media environment (the public sphere as a network) as well as evolving models of democracy (a monitory public sphere in the age of communicative abundance).
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O Pani Profesor Teresie Sasińskiej-Klas z pewnością można napisać, że jest wybitną solistką i równocześnie wyśmienicie gra w zespole. Umiejętności te nabyła w latach 1966–1971 w krakowskiej Szkole Muzycznej II stopnia na Wydziale Nauczania Muzycznego. Ukończyła kierunek dyrygowanie. Dyplom przygotowywała w klasie prof. Krzysztofa Missony. Już w szkole średniej interesowała się szeroko rozumianą problematyką społeczną. Podążając za swym przeznaczeniem, w 1965 roku rozpoczęła także studia z zakresu socjologii na Wydziale Filozoficzno-Historycznym Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego (UJ).
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Interview with Prof. Dr. Christina Holtz-Bacha. Professor of Communications at Friedrich-Alexander-University. Erlangen-Nuremberg, Germany. Prof. Dr. Christina Holtz-Bacha was interviewed by Michał Jacuński in November 2017.
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