Komparativna analiza utjecaja medijskih posredovanih političkih kampanja na birače

Author(s): Đorđe Obradović / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2014

Media represents a necessary communication channel in political communication. Although more efficient, direct communication is not possible with all the target publics because of lack of time and often the lack of funds needed for direct communication. But, direct communication is not utilized only to communicate with the gathered crowd, but also represents an event or pseudo-event which will be transferred to broader target groups through media. Strategies, tactics and techniques of political campaign management through the media as communication channels are planned in detail, like the methods of research which should deliver precise predictions of election results, being the final goal of the campaign execution. While in developed countries polls are mostly precise and the results are placed around the minimal statistical error, the situation in countries in transition is opposite and pre-election and exit polls often do not correspond to the actual election results. Research conducted on the sample of 500 people in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina shown that most of the voters are led by cheering mentality so they vote for the party they prefer, regardless of the offered program and the quality of political campaign, while many voters admits that they refuse to take part in polls or, that when they accept to participate in polls do not say the truth.

Manipulacija medijima i manipulacija medija

Author(s): Zoran Tomić,Siniša Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2014

There are numerous examples which point out capacities used by politics i.e. “political communication warriors” in order to put their interests and news on the public agenda. They use mass media for imposing the political agenda. Their subjects are the biggest TV and radio stations, leading weeklies and portals. Political communication experts are constantly being educated for “the war” with media. Even their capacities are strengthened from time to time. The aim is to master with the public scene, form the public opinion and keep or get the mandate for power in the elections. Complete communication Machiavellianism very often rules on that way. From the other side, neither media are completely “clean”. They also develop their techniques for resisting from those attacks and very often cross the border and enter into manipulation of the public. The authors research both sides of “the story” and make key manipulation techniques. Techniques of the media manipulation strictly refer to television as the medium.

ТЕНДЕНЦІЇ ІНФОРМАЦІЙНОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ УКРАЇНИ У СУЧАСНІЙ ПЕРСПЕКТИВІ

Author(s): Ewgenia Makarenko,Mykola Ryzkow / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2009

In the article conceptual bases of collaboration of Ukraine are examined with Europe, which are based on a policy which determines support of supremacy of right and strengthening of democracy as bases of relations between Ukraine and incorporated Europe. The idea ofEuropean belonging of Ukraine means, from one side, the radical turn of historical fate of the state, from other is determination of the Ukrainian way to European community, taking into account that Ukraine is the state which changes, obtains reputation in the internationalarea,take partner relationships with the key countries of the world. Expansion of Europe opens new possibilities and growings prospects of deepening of eurointegration strategy of Ukraine.

Mediji kao identifikacija društva

Author(s): Dijana Gupta / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 10/2015

Provided that free media help society to avoid immoral consequences, then the process is doomed in as much as the media have become the weapon of propaganda which should get the trust of the public for each policy that the government decides to follow.Politics certainly know their needs how to promote and manipulate the media and the public, all with the purpose of objective and interests. Being a journalist and telling the truth is a noble ideal.Very often this ideal doesn’t remain the same, because it comes in conflict with the pressures and threats of real life and its interests. Journalists are conscientious researchers who perform a specific mission. We are used to think always about the news as something always available.The right to freedom of public expression includes the right to make a mistake.The justification of a free press as a prerequisite for any fair democratic society is that members of the society depends on the free flow of information as they could manage themselves. The only free nation is informed nation.

ANNA SIEWIERSKA-CHMAJ: JĘZYK POLSKIEJ POLITYKI. POLITOLOGICZNO-SEMANTYCZNA ANALIZA EXPOSÉ PREMIERÓW POLSKI W LATACH 1919–2004, WYŻSZA SZKOŁA INFORMATYKI I ZARZĄDZANIA, RZESZÓW 2006

Author(s): Kazimierz Ożóg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2007

Lagosz, ethosz, parhosz?

Author(s): Anna Vancsó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2016

Szabó, Gabriella: Kommunikáció és integráció – A magyar médiatörvény európai vitája Communication and Integration. – The European Debate on the Hungarian Media Law

TEACHING AND RESEARCHING STAGE SPEECH (CONNECTING THEORY AND PRACTICE, SCIENCE AND ART)

Author(s): Nina Žavbi Milojević / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

The article deals with teaching and researching stage speech on the supposition that researching stage speech influences how we teach stage speech. Stage speech is an artistic speech that researchers try to study and explain in a scientific manner, i.e. with scientific terminology and methods. Modern studies of stage speech are interdisciplinary (they combine phonetics and theatre studies, literary theory and history, sociology, etc.) and no longer just studies on a stricly linguistic (phonetic) level. The article shows a model of a scientific and interdisciplinary study of stage speech and its influence on or connection to how it is taught. The teaching of stage speech, which is shown on the example of students of Stage Acting at the Academy of Theatre, Radio, Film and Television, balances between science and art as well as between theory and practice. The article demonstrates that researching stage speech influences the teaching that is also interdisciplinary, based on artistic and scientific concepts and constantly combines theory and practice.

ПОЛИТИЧКО БЕСЕДНИШТВО ЗОРАНА ЂИНЂИЋА – ПРИНЦИП УТОПИЈЕ И ЛОГИКА НАДЕ

Author(s): Marko M. Đorđević,Dobrivoje Ž. Stanojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2016

The paper explores Zoran Đinđić’s political oratory by placing emphasis on the rhetorical and style analysis of certain speeches, as well as on the verbal and non-verbal aspects of communication. On the grounds of the theoretical model on the existence of dominant communication paradigms: authoritarian, democratic and liberal-democratic ones, his political speeches have been observed within the democratic paradigm of political communication. To a significant extent, our interest has been directed towards determining genre models and genre specificities of Đinđić’s political speeches and also towards recognizing the most important political ideas in the context of general geopolitical, historical, cultural and social changes. By applying comparative rhetorical and style analysis to certain Đinđić’s political speeches, we have singled out their common characteristics and described in more details the specificities of oratory procedures characteristic for this speaker.

Parlamentarni izbori 2014: kontekst, akteri i ishodi

Author(s): Slaviša Orlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 11/2014

In this paper we analyze the reasons for the extraordinary parliamentary elections in Serbia, its political context and the most important issues. We begin with insight in the major competitors, structure of candidate lists and composition of electoral coalitions, with special attention devoted to parties of national minorities. This is followed by analyses of government formation process and the major losers of these elections. 2014 elections in Serbia were political purgatory and scaffold. Three parliamentary and relevant parties did not make over the 5% threshold (DSS, URS and LDP), and only 4 coalitions and 3 minority lists entered the parliament. After these elections Serbia has party system with dominant party (SNS) and very weak opposition leading to lack of democratic balance and counterweight which could be damaging for further democratic consolidation process. Party systems with clientelistic electoral competition instead of programmatic one, has weaker chances for consolidation of democracy.

P. Erik Lou - Mediji i politički proces

Author(s): Andrijana Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 11/2014

Жените - източник и аудитория за политическа комуникация /Избори 2011/

Author(s): Emilia Paskaleva Nikolova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2011

The report examines some aspects of real political life in the country related to forthcoming presidential elections. The focus is centered on the readiness of Bulgarian women to participate in government at the highest political level. The different points of view, public attitudes and perceptions are studied and the role of political emancipation as a factor in eliminating the gender division and as a motivator for equal participation of women in the upcoming elections is examined as well.

Optimizarea supervizării în asistență socială (Optimization of Supervision in Social Services), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Risoprint, 2012, 225 p

Author(s): Simion Belea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2018

Politikai kommunikáció és expresszivitás

Author(s): Gabriella Szabó,Balázs Kiss / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2021

The article is an introductory piece of the special issue of Political Communication and Expressivity. Our aim is to convince readers of the importance of emotionally saturated political communication and the need to introduce new approaches to political communication. In our view, Roman Jakobson’s theory of functional communication is a good point of departure for understanding expressivity in political communication, but it is worth supplementing it with action theories that go beyond goal-rationality, such as the dramaturgical action developed by Goffman and ventilation known from psychology. Finally, we attempt to defi ne expressive political communication: expressivity is the aspect of communication that covers the communicator’s own relationship to the components of communication. Such communication might be strategic, which can be explained by goal oriented rational approaches. Psycho- and sociolinguistics might be helpful to explain expressivity beyond strategic communication.

Bevezetés a politolingvisztikába. A politikai szókincs vizsgálatának lehetőségei

Author(s): Benigna Havasi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2022

The aim of this study is to familiarize the readers with the method of politolinguistics. This methodological framework provides an opportunity to explore the political vocabulary of a particular political system, community or even a political event at a systematic level in order to give the researcher a more accurate picture of the ideological background of the examined period, the political intentions of a government, as well as the most important social problems. Namely, politolinguistics analyzes the elements of political vocabulary in texts and discourses, thus showing that words can include complex thoughts, texts, opinions and even discourses. The method differs from other vocabulary-centric approaches because it is not a theoretical ambition but a result of practical experience. The framework it lays down can be easily put into practice, helping research that seeks to systematically explore the vocabulary use of certain political communities.

Biztonságiasítás mint szavazatszerző stratégia A magyar kormány 2018-as kampányban folytatott migrációval és Európai Unióval kapcsolatos politikai kommunikációja

Author(s): Renáta Lilla Kiss / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2022

Using the methodology of security discourse analysis, the study seeks to answer the question of how the Hungarian government side secured the issue of migration in the 2018 Hungarian parliamentary elections. According to the literature, the Hungarian government has successfully secured it, as Hungarian citizens have legitimized the issue of migration security. I analyze the study according to the security methodology defi ned by the Copenhagen school, in which I identify the security actor and the factor he considers to be an existential threat, and examine the means and manifestations of the security actor mobilizing the target audience with the threat message. According to the author, the Hungarian government applied the issue of migration security exhaustively and communicated its wording to the electorate with populist elements and Eurosceptic rhetoric.

Комунікативний вимір формування і просування публічного іміджу держави

Author(s): Tatiana Nagorniak,Pole Mykoły,Serhiy Bondarenko,Anna Osmolowska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2022

Within the framework of the author’s scientific research, three types of communicative models of the world’s states were identified, which reflect the basic principles of building state information policy and reflect the key characteristics of the political system. Among them are subsidiary, vertical, and transitional models. The institutional method was used to prove the specifics of the state as a political institution that is the bearer of national images, as well as the role and degree of influence of public policy on the formation of ideas about the state in the external information space, on the policy of promoting and transforming these images, with an emphasis on the actions of those states that shape the global political discourse of today. The authors propose an integral model of state’s public image formation, which provides for the synergy of actors of public diplomacy. The result of its implementation is the formation of the components of the state image (regional, multicultural, culinary, educational, expert) together with official products (national symbols, reputation characteristics, socio-economic development indicators, rating indicators and e-diplomacy products) «from below». Both the central government and local communities in the context of the implementation of «bottom-up» policy should be involved in the realization of a successful image formation policy. The authors emphasize that the policy of state’s image formation in the external information space should be considered as a multifaceted component of the foreign policy of the state. The tools, channels and subjects of formation and adjustment of the stateʼs image should be embedded in each of the vectors of foreign policy- in security, diplomatic, economic, social, legal, and directly information vectors.

КОМУНІКАТИВНА СТРАТЕГІЯ САМОПРЕЗЕНТАЦІЇ В УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ ПРЕЗИДЕНТСЬКОМУ ДИСКУРСІ (НА МАТЕРІАЛІ ІНАВГУРАЦІЙНИХ ПРОМОВ)

Author(s): Liubov V. Zavalska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 02/2023

The article presents a linguistic pragmatic analysis of the communicative strategy of self- presentation in Ukrainian presidential discourse. Based on material from the inaugural speeches of Ukraine’s presidents, the speech acts and linguistic means of narratives of the self-presentation strategy are distinguished and a typology of communicative tactics of its implementation is proposed. It is proved that the communicative strategy of self-presentation is implemented with the help of com- municative tactics: evaluation-presentational, conceptual-presentational and program-presentational. Performative speech acts in inaugural speeches containing commissives and expressives were analyzed. Grammatical means of implementing the self-presentation strategy were identified and lexical means of identifying the self-presentation strategy were also analyzed. Within each tactic, a comparative analysis of the use of linguistic means in presidential speeches was carried out, which made it pos- sible to demonstrate the dynamics of the lexicon and the use of linguo-pragmatic means in Ukrainian presidential discourse.

IS THE SOFT POWER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE MIDDLE EAST ENOUGH?

Author(s): Katarina Štrbac,Branislav Milosavljević,Vladimir P. Tomašević / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Regardless of the existing conflicts, the twenty-first century might be predominantly a century of soft power, most pronounced in Europe. Turkey, which geographically belongs to Europe and Asia, has been looking to achieve its foreign policy priorities and is changing its methodology of conducting foreign policy. The use of soft power based on national culture, political values, religion, economy, institutions, and international relations in the early 21st century represented a radical turn compared to earlier historical attempts. Throughout history, Turkey used hard power in the region, but it was mostly unsuccessful. Therefore, the nature of soft power represented an opportunity for strengthening Turkey as a regional power and a qualitative change of negative stereotypes about this country. However, it is evident that soft power in the changed regional security circumstances in the final years of the second decade in the 21st century is insufficient, so Turkey has started using hard power (military) again to strengthen its leadership position. This paper explains the soft power of the Republic of Turkey in the MENA region and the recent reorientation to the combination of military strength and diplomatic influence in international relations. How much that rearrangement in foreign policy will position Turkey in the new security and political circumstances at the beginning of the 21st century's third decade remains to be seen.

POPULIST RESSENTIMENT IN A MEDIATED CONTEXT

Author(s): Claudiu Martin / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

The aim of this article is to review the role that emotions play in populism, specifically ressentiment, and how it is strategically used on social media platforms to create polarization. Firstly, I define the two of the main characteristics that populism has had over time: the agonistic struggle between a people and an elite, and charismatic leadership. Secondly, I examine the significance of resentment as a political emotion and how it operates in extreme right-wing populism. Thirdly, I review how resentment has been applied in the context of social media and how these platforms offer the most effective means to generate social mobilization based on emotions through storytelling, which can anticipate the reactions of the public or users.

Polityka językowa w świetle dokumentów programowych ukraińskich partii politycznych

Author(s): Paweł Pietnoczka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2024

This article presents the position of Ukrainian political parties on the issue of language policy during the period of independence. In particular, it was important to show the position taken by individual political parties towards the status of the Russian language, as well as the need to ensure the functioning of the Ukrainian language in all spheres of social life and in the territory of the entire state. A number of program documents were analyzed, in particular, the programs of political parties and the electoral programs of parties and electoral coalitions with which they competed in subsequent elections to the Verkhovna Rada. The focus was on those political parties that individually managed to overcome the electoral threshold at least once during the parliamentary elections held at the time of independence, or played a leading role in the electoral coalitions formed, as was the case, for example, with the People’s Union “Our Ukraine” which was the key political force in the pro-presidential electoral coalitions formed for the 2006 and 2007 elections. The position of the various political forces on the language issue was discussed after first dividing them into left-wing, centrist and center-left parties, as well as right-wing and center-right parties.