We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
U ovom tekstu raspravljaću o »balkanističkom stereotipu« i nekim ideološkim mehanizmima koji se oslanjaju na njega, a na osnovu jednog izbora iskaza, uglavnom uzetih iz mas-medija na slovenačkom i hrvatskom jeziku. Analizirani materijal je izabran intuitivno, zbog njegove paradigmatske, to jest, strukturne vrednosti.
More...
W pierwszej, teoretycznej części opracowania dokonano konceptualizacji pojęcia lobbingu, a następnie omówiono modele i rodzaje lobbingu. Druga część, praktyczna, poświęcona została lobbingowi w Polsce, jego instytucjonalizacji i problemom. Tekst zamyka podrozdział o polskich regulacjach prawnych dotyczących działalności lobbingowej, ujętych na tle regulacji obowiązujących w innych krajach.
More...
This text explains and emphasize on the methods which the presidential-candidates in Bulgaria use to convince their audience in what they say in their speeches. In the following text it is shown which methods are effective and should be used while speaking in front of the audience and which methods are ineffective and better be avoided by the speakers. How these methods reflect the listeners, why it is important to use them when necessary and how to classify them by their importance for both speakers and audience is the main purpose of this paper.
More...
Additional to the three main trends influencing social dialogue at the organizational level - de-centralization, up-scaling, de-institutionalization and representation – the COVID-19 pandemic rules brought a new influence that impacts the Unions, forcing it to adapt its internal communication. This paper is centred upon the way the Unions members in Romania get access to information in the new labour landscape, characterized by the work from home and physical distancing. The research focuses on a collective case-study of three strong Union Federations that developed internal communication with unions’ members that fits the pandemic context. The research focuses on the internal communication repertoire elements used by the Unions. The research method assesses the qualitative information gathered by interviewing key Unions representatives. The main areas of interest are the key topics addressed in the communication with the members, the tools and media mix used, the frequency of the formal communication with the trade unions members, the accountable and the responsible persons with the internal communication, and the management of the feedback from the members, all in the context of what is different vs. 2019. The conclusions are enriched with some recommendations for future development of communication with union members, supporting the social dialog.
More...
Given its rapid economic growth and expanded geopolitical ambitions, China’s influence projection has grown globally. The World Economic Forum projected that China may overtake the U.S. as the world’s largest economy by 2024. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), aimed at optimising and expanding China’s economic cooperation with the Eurasian continent, makes Europe a prime destination for Chinese investment. Countries in Europe have largely treated economic cooperation with China as an opportunity, and the Nordic-Baltic region (NB8) has not been an exception to this trend. However, several European countries have grown apprehensive regarding China’s intents, as economic cooperation has become a backdrop to undesirable political influence via bilateral and multilateral fora. At the same time, buoyed by pride from its rapid economic growth, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has become more assertive in defending its national interests, including in the South China Sea region and in response to Western critics of China’s expansionist foreign policy, undemocratic practices and human rights violations. In reaction to these developments, a growing number of European countries have started to look at China’s activities as a challenge or threat to national security. This shift has also become increasingly visible among the countries of the Nordic-Baltic region.
More...
Different opinions have been expressed regarding the avenues and scope of influence of the People’s Republic of China in the Nordic-Baltic region. This study approaches the research topic by examining the Latvian information environment. There are several reasons behind the choice of Latvia for analysis. First, it is the country with the most populous city in the Baltics – Riga, which serves as a transport, political, cultural and financial hub. Second, with reference to the previous point, the overseas representations of various PRC institutions, including the government, state media (e.g. Xinhua), and public diplomacy (e.g. China Cultural Centre), have chosen Riga, the capital of Latvia, as the headquarters of their Baltic network. Third, during the period from 2012 to 2016, the early days of China’s engagement with the region, Latvia invested significant political capital into the idea of pragmatic cooperation with China, most notably in the transit sector, export, and FDI attraction. It is the only Baltic country to have hosted a ‘16+1’ Summit (the 5th Summit of China and Central and Eastern European Countries, 2016).
More...
Sweden provides one of the most striking examples of the Chinese government’s ‘wolf warrior diplomacy’. Between 2018 and 2021, the Chinese Embassy in Stockholm was engaged in an intense campaign of public criticism and threats against media outlets, journalists, human rights activists, scholars, politicians and authorities. The campaign targeted media reporting and policy decisions described as biased against China. Meanwhile, Sino-Swedish relations deteriorated, Swedish media reporting became more critical, and Swedish public opinion on China plummeted. Points of contention include China’s treatment of Gui Minhai, a Swedish citizen imprisoned in China, and more recently, the decision to exclude the Chinese companies Huawei and ZTE from some parts of Swedish 5G telecommunications networks.
More...
This chapter examines the cognitive domain of Georgia’s information environment and analyses Russia’s attempts to influence people’s perceptions, beliefs, and values in order to advance its strategic goals in Georgia. Specifically, this chapter evaluates which perceptions, beliefs, and values are primarily exploited, who the main targets are, and what tactics are used by Russia to influence the cognitive domain.
More...
In this article I analyze the reporting of two daily newspapers, one Serbian (Politika) and the other one Albanian (Rilindja), in the context of a historical dispute between the Serbs and Albanians. The article focuses on the ways that these nations were represented in these newspapers in the early twentieth century, at the time of the Balkan wars, Albanian independence and the First World War, and towards the end of that century, during the late 1980s and early 1990s and the dissolution of the socialist Yugoslavia. The study is limited to the analysis of the reporting in the Belgrade-based newspaper Politika at the time of the declaration of independence of Albania (1912), prior to the establishment of newspaper in Kosovo in Albanian language, as well as on the reporting of Politika and Prishtina-based Rilindja in September 1987, during a crisis caused by the death of five soldiers at the Yugoslav Army fort in the town of Paraćin in Central Serbia. Taking into consideration an abundance of historical arguments about a peaceful of Serbs and Albanians in the Balkans, I infer that one-sided journalism full of prejudices, stereotypes and even racism (Rilindja) was one of the crucial factors in creating negative attitudes towards „the Other“. I also conclude that such reporting apparently aided in creating a rift between the two nations, and therefore claim that promoting a different kind of journalism, led by professional standards and best practices instead of stereotypes, prejudices or political benefits, would have great role in bridging this rift.
More...
This article explores the attitudes of Serbian intellectuals in relation to Kosovo as a geographic area that gain special status and importance by being infused by symbolic meanings. The article aims at identifying and operationalizing discursive strategies through which the intellectuals use the notion of Kosovo and/or the metaphor "enemy/ the “Other“ figure“. The analysis of statements and writings of the intellectuals focuses on three seminal events of the post-Yugoslav, i.e. post-Milosević’s period, which marked the process of Kosovo independence. The events in question have are the “Kosovo pogrom“ from 2004, Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008 and the signing of the Brussels Agreement in 2013. The article should testify about the dilemmas (or the lack of thereof) among the intellectuals “by fate“ interested or provoked to publicly express their views on “the Kosovo question“ – does by being intellectual one is indebted above all to be loyal to his/her nation and to fight for its “rights“ through intellectual means, or actually to protest against the national and other euphoria and to promote universal values?
More...
Nowadays, social media represents the place where all the activities of an individual take place (from opinions about an event, musical preferences, intentions, public debates to passions), he presents and transpose his life from the real world to the virtual one. At the same time, social media is a threat to security, being a method by which terrorist activities, riots, abuses are organized and coordinated. In order to understand the new security environment and to respond to the challenges, the intelligence services introduced the concept of Social Media Intelligence, through which they can understand and prevent events, can analyze the mood of the society and its preferences.
More...
In 2019 the Terminology Working Group of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence defined strategic communications as follows: strategic communications, n.: a holistic approach to communication based on values and interests that encompasses everything an actor does to achieve objectives in a contested environment. As of 2022, strategic communications is conceived as a normative project, and as such its theorists and practitioners recognise certain principles that underpin their activities: #1 StratCom affirms the right of the individual to choose between competing ideas or reject them. #2 StratCom affirms a need for transparency and the right of individuals to hold those who practise StratCom to be held to account. #3 StratCom affirms the right of the individual to free speech.
More...
There’s a fallacy shared by most who practise strategic communications. The common mistake is to talk of messaging and the possible effectiveness that attaching such messages to grievances and those who hold them can achieve. Messages like narratives are an overused term, put through the wash once too often and bleached of the intellectual col-our they once sported. It is as if by sending out a slogan, a cause-and-effect relationship can be brought to bear on a pre-identified audience. The danger inherent in this ‘post-it’ approach to communications is to place all hope on linear, one-way agency while ignoring the nature of the discursive context or what is frequently and unadvisedly called the information environment. As if communicators were caught in a call-and-response exchange or a dangerous thrust-and-parry. By this token, communications is forced into a zero-sum game, rather than the organic or fluid negotiation between contiguous discourses that it really is.
More...
After February 2022 the social media platform Telegram became ‘one of the most important informational vectors regarding the war’. The unprecedented spike in communications on the platform, which has been re-corded by ExTrac and discussed in the previous part, has given researchers a unique opportunity to examine Russia’s online media environment. While the ExTrac analysis focused on the quantitative increase of Telegram’s significance among Russian social media users, this part qualitatively analyses the content shared on the platform. It aims to shed light on the emergence of a new group of Russian online influencers—the so-called pro-war bloggers. Propelled into the limelight by a surge in online media, the Kremlin’s blocking of Western social media platforms, and increased demand from users for news about the war, these Telegram channels’ administrators formed an online eco-system which became instrumental in spreading pro-Russian narratives at home and abroad.
More...
Kapitola zaměřená na mediální reprezentaci zahraniční politiky České republiky v roce 2012 je stejně jako v předchozích letech členěna do dvou částí. Úvodní kapitola je věnována výsledkům kvantitativní obsahové analýzy televizního zpravodajství v průběhu roku 2012, zaměřené na základní charakteristiky zahraničního zpravodajství tří českých celoplošných televizních stanic, tedy na hlavní témata, přítomné aktéry a nejčastěji zmiňované státy. Druhá část analýzy je založena na textuální analýze mediální reprezentace dvou zahraničněpolitických témat uplynulého roku. Výsledky přehledové kvantitativní analýzy zpravodajství českých celoplošných televizních stanic v roce 2012 potvrzují trend patrný i v minulých letech (Nečas–Vochocová, 2010, 2011, 2012). Ve všech sledovaných obdobích vykazuje zpravodajství televizních stanic jasný příklon k výrazné redukci prezentovaných zahraničněpolitických událostí a aktérů, kteří dostanou možnost se k událostem vyjádřit. Práh mediální pozornosti tak překročí velmi omezené spektrum událostí, ke kterým se vyjadřuje stále velmi podobná struktura aktérů, zejména vrcholní politici a představitelé státu. Vzhledem k opakujícím se výsledkům popisné kvantitativní analýzy a omezeným interpretačním možnostem dostupných dat prezentujeme jen základní kontury zpravodajství a podstatnou část kapitoly věnujeme případové studii medializace dvou významných zahraničněpolitických událostí v českém tisku v roce 2012.
More...
Tato kapitola analyzuje obraz české zahraniční politiky v českých médiích. Identi¬fikujeme hlavní charakteristiky zahraničního zpravodajství, především tematickou strukturu agendy, přítomné aktéry a prioritní destinace. Analýza je tvořena dvěma částmi, přičemž sledujeme odlišné aspekty a používáme různé analytické nástroje. První část představuje kvantitativní obsahovou analýzu hlavních zpravodajských relací tří českých celoplošných televizních stanic. Použili jsme stejnou metodiku i analyzovaný vzorek jako v loňském roce. To nám umožňuje rozšířit výzkum o srovnání s výsledky analýzy z roku 2008. Druhá část doplňuje studii o kvalitativní šetření vybraných událostí. Zde se soustředíme na charakteristiky mediálních textů venovaných třem zásadním událostem v roce 2009, a to: 1) pádu vlády na konci března; 2) zářijovému rozhodnutí o zrušení plánované výstavby radarové základny v České republice; 3) podpisu Lisabonské smlouvy v listopadu.
More...
V kapitole věnované analýze zahraničního zpravodajství českých médií v roce 2015 navazujeme na výzkumy z minulých let, a to se stejným záměrem identifikovat a pojmenovat převažující charakteristiky zpravodajství o zahraničněpolitických událostech. Struktura kapitoly i analytický postup zůstávají stejné jako v uplynulých letech a doplňujeme tak souvislou řadu poznatků shromažďovaných již od roku 2008.
More...
In this chapter, which is devoted to the analysis of the news reporting by Czech media in 2015, we follow the research from the previous years with the same objective, i.e. we identify and determine the predominant characteristics of the news reporting on foreign affairs. The structure of the chapter and the analytical procedure remain the same as in the previous years, and we complement the continuous series of findings on this topic collected since 2008.
More...
Economic theory is characterized by continuous dynamics, which is both dictated by the changes in human life and a driver of those changes, therefore the return to the theoretical achievements of the past provides a significant conceptual insight into the complexity of the processes, as a result of which the current reality was formed. The purpose of the present work is to analyze the particular manifestations of the heterogeneous doctrines in economic science, which determine the process of creating the theory of regional economic integration. The main task is to identify the economic theories that are the basis of the formation of the integration theory. The necessary cause-and-effect relationships that argue the compatibility of specific doctrines with the effectiveness of the process of regional economic integration should be deduced.
More...
