Rosyjska emigracja polityczna w XX i na początku XXI wieku

Author(s): BORIS SOKOŁOW / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The article analyses the different waves of Russian political emigration in the 20th and 21st century and those organisational political forms that emerged in exile. The following aspects were included: the emigration of the opponents of the autocracy before 1917, the emigration of the opponents of the Bolsheviks between 1917 and 1922 and in the following years, the emigration of the opponents of the Bolsheviks at the end of World War II and the emigration after World War II. The subsequent topic is the period from the end of World War II until the collapse of the USSR, including Jewish emigration and the emigration of political dissidents, political emigration in Putin’s Russia, including a new wave of emigration after the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. Moreover, the fact that certain groups and prominent representatives of the emigration started returning to Russia and the nature of their activities in their homeland, as well as their activities in exile aimed at achieving specific political goals in Russia, are also discussed. The article also considers emigration activities in the media and forecasts the possible future development of emigration as well as the impact of ideas developed during emigration on the development of Russia, including contemporary Russia.

VALUE CONSENSUS AND DISCREPANCY AMONG THE MAJOR ETHNOLINGUISTIC COMMUNITIES IN LATVIA: SURVEY DATA ANALYSIS

Author(s): Inese Šūpule / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

In this article, values are explored through the lens of differences and similarities in values and attitudes of the two major ethnolinguistic communities in Latvia. The paper examines the existence of a set of core values that is shared by (or at least equally widespread among) the Latvian and Russian-speaking communities in Latvia, as well as other values and attitudes that are still rooted primarily in people’s ethnic and/or linguistic self-identification. The value model used in the study is based on the model of Shalom Schwartz’s value theory (Schwartz 2012). The analysis is based on data from the European Social Survey (2019) and European Values Survey (2021). The data analysis has been performed within the project “Value (trans)formation in uncertain times: social cohesion and neoliberal ethos in Latvia” (Nr. lzp-2020/2-0068).

PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Adriana Camelia Tătar / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article aims to examine the theoretical and practical changes in the role of public diplomacy in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and to analyze the modalities of action and political and social effects because of public diplomacy campaigns initiated in the relations between Russia and Ukraine in the immediate aftermath of the crisis in Ukraine since 2014. Specifically, the article analyzes the role of public diplomacy in relations between states and presents public diplomacy as an essential part of soft power until the 2014 Ukraine crisis.The research question is: what is Russia's message to the West and how is it conveyed? And to answer the question, qualitative research methods will be used: content analysis and evaluation of official documents and reports by the Russian and Ukrainian authorities. The importance of studying this issue stems from the fact that more and more countries have launched information campaigns in recent years, designed to contribute to foreign policy priorities, and the revelation of the paper is based on the changes that are taking place in the international arena, changes that have led to an increase in the importance of public diplomacy in international relations.

Russia – full spectrum revisionist? What the Kremlin’s exploitation of the Belarusian political crisis teaches us about the nature of Russia’s confrontation with the West

Author(s): Michał Klonowski,Michał Słowikowski / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The political crisis in Belarus, provoked by public dissatisfaction with the fraudulent presidential election in August 2020, has entailed a number of consequences for the international status of Belarus. On the one hand, there was a rapprochement with Russia and, on the other, Belarus found itself in a state of Cold War with the West. The reasons for this state of affairs should be seen primarily in the attitude of Alyaksandr Lukashenka, who perceived the social protests as a serious threat to his illegitimate rule and, at the same time, inspired by the West. The threat of losing power caused him to turn to Russia for help, which was given to him. Russia was guided primarily in this case by its own fears, which concerned: the threat of losing control over a geopolitically important region, the shrinking of the area considered to be a zone of exclusive interests in favour of the West, the prospects of the successful democratisation of Belarus and the transmission of the virus of democracy to the Russian political system. Lukashenka, still unsure of his position and Russia’s support, has taken steps to strengthen the Kremlin’s loyalty. To this end, he continued to take anti-Western actions, aware that his closest ally in the Kremlin was the Siloviks group, which was the most influential group of the Kremlin’s elite and at the same time responsible for the Russian confrontation with the West. From Russia’s point of view, the Belarus-Russia conflict has become a platform for a whole spectrum of revisionist activities: offensive, defensive and isolationist. At the same time, Belarus and its conflict with the West have become part of information warfare against the West, as a part of which the Kremlin was generating tension in the capitals of European countries and the United States. Russia was interested in keeping this going as long as possible, which was not necessarily in line with Lukashenka’s own expectations.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE ROMANIAN LITERARY JOURNALISM UNTIL THE REVOLUTION OF 1848

Author(s): Nineta MILEA (BĂRBĂTESCU) / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 24/2021

This article addresses the issue of Romanian journalism in the 19th century, until the Revolution of 1848. The aim is to make an x-ray, to present the factors that led to the late appearance of these means of communication in the national language as well as the stages taken.

Flirting with the Israeli prime minister, humorously

Author(s): Galia Hirsch,Pnina Shukrun-Nagar / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

This article examines a specific type of supportive, make-believe, playful humour called here flirting humour, which serves to create a positioning of symmetry and intimacy, while posing a mitigated threat to the face of the addresser and addressee. We focus on two sub-categories of this humour prevalent in online readers’ comments to Facebook posts published by the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu during the March 2020 electoral campaign: (1) humorous confessions of lust and love by women, even marriage proposals; (2) humorous gestures of camaraderie, mostly by men, including informal social invitations and friendly requests for favours – all directed to Netanyahu. We suggest that this humour reflects characteristics identified with the Israeli Sabra individuals (e.g., directness, openness, easy-goingness, mischievousness) and the Israeli society (camaraderie, informality). Furthermore, we argue that flirting humour, which is particularly dominant among Netanyahu’s supporters, is associated with his dual self-positioning: while the symmetrical and intimate scenarios his supporters humorously create reflect Netanyahu’s positioning as “one of the guys”, the humorous framing reflects awareness of his hierarchical superiority, and acceptance of his self- positioning as a great leader. Thus, flirting humour contributes both to the solidification of Netanyahu’s supporters, and the reinforcing of his position among them.

Laughing at political opponents:

Author(s): Orest Semotiuk / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the discursive dimension of the standoff between supporters of 6th Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and those of his predecessor Petro Poroshenko. This dimension is implemented in Internet memes as one of the forms of political satire. Memes can be defined by their goals, frame of reference and means. The discursive practices used in memes aiming at the symbolic defamation of a political opponent and his electoral base are considered, taking into account the target, the focus, and the presentation of political satire about the protagonists Zelensky and Poroshenko. The corresponding parameters (goal-target, frame of reference-focus, means-presentation) constitute the analytical framework for the examination of the interrelations between political participation, political humour, political satire, and political discourse in this paper.

DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: LESSONS TO BE LEARNED FROM POLAND

Author(s): Andrada Dănilă,Quentin Launai,Larisa Pătrașcu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

Democratic erosion, also referred in the academic literature as democratic backsliding, occurs when the democratic institutions, instruments, and mechanisms that a state possesses start to lose their functionality, thus resulting in weaker democracies, making them vulnerable to become an authoritarian or illiberal regime. Considering the rise of populist and nationalist tendencies displayed throughout Europe in recent years, this article focuses on Poland, addressing three principal aspects: What changes can be identified and traced in Poland that led to democratic erosion? Were there any precursors or facilitators to this erosion? How does the opposition respond to the process of democratic erosion? In order to answer these questions, we turned to the existing literature, as it offers the necessary complex understanding of the current dynamic. We analysed different democratic indexes that allowed us to compare multiple indicators and we followed the chain of events that contributed to creating the context for illiberal actors to enter the political scene. Some of the problems this article addresses are related to the effect Poland’s democratic backsliding has in matters such as the electoral process, government functionality, civil society, individual rights, school system, justice and media, and the overall welfare of the population. Our research brings forward the role that the socio-cultural and economic characteristics of the population have in the tailoring of Poland’s political path centred around the changes between 2015 and 2021.

Intersection of Conflicting Values: Symbols of Memory and Acts of Artistic Expression

Author(s): Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2023

Symbols of the past influence the present, very often dependent on the will of those who currently “weave the story,” to use the expression coined by Olga Tokarczuk.1 This applies in particular to national symbols, burdened by historical trauma, whose rank and protection may become handy tools for controlling social and public narratives. In this context, it is the law itself, with its special category of memory laws, that very often turns out to be instrumentally used by the state apparatus to strengthen such narratives. In times of social peace, this kind of state-governed manner of how we remember and perceive symbols remains imperceptible. However, in times of turmoil, symbols can serve as legal weapons against rights and freedoms. Then, the protection of the national anthem or emblem, monuments or graphics may be turned into the de facto protection of the state against its critics. Labelling themselves as the guardians of “historical truth,” the authorities tend to secure the orthodox vision of the past. Importantly, this vision very often remains distant from the official findings of historians. It was exactly in such an ideologically and nationalistically burdened social atmosphere in Poland when Jaś Kapela, Polish poet and activist, decided to perform publicly his protest song. He did so by changing the official wording of the Polish national anthem into a pro-refugee appeal and broadcast it on YouTube, which eventually brought him before Polish courts, including the Supreme Court.

ROMANIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Author(s): Anamaria Lepcaliuc / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

The article traces the history of bilateral relations that includes several distinct phases. It is about the period of the First World War, including the important action carried out by the representatives of Transylvanian Romanians in the context of the Wilson doctrine on the territory of the United States, in support of the national cause. That is why, although we are generally talking about relations between two friendly states, frictions did not fail to appear. We took into account the period of the First World War, including the important action taken by the representatives of the Transylvanian Romanians in the context of Wilson’s doctrine on the territory of the United States, in support of the national cause.

THE COORDINATES OF THE FOREIGN POLICY PROMOTED BY THE GREAT POLITICIAN IULIU MANIU (1928-1947)

Author(s): Florin Nacu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

Iuliu Maniu's personality is overwhelming through his activity and political thinking. Condemned by the historiography before 1989 to a status ranging from "traitor to the nation", to "British spy", with some reverberations and in the rather grey period of the 1990-2000 years, Iuliu Maniu was rehabilitated by the Romanian justice system in 1998 , only 51 years after his life sentence and exactly seven decades after the moment I chose for the beginning of my scientific endeavour. Iuliu Maniu tries in the days after the armistice of September 1944 and until July 14, 1947 when his men are arrested in Tămădău when they were trying to leave to build a Romanian government in exile (they did not know that the British had in principle admitted to the Soviets that they would not support anything anti-Soviet regarding Romania) to ask for support. His testimonies from the trial of Ion Antonescu in 1946 and even from his trial in 1947, when Iuliu Maniu became accused for the country's disaster, are edifying. Given that this year marks the 150th anniversary of the birth of the great politician Iuliu Maniu, the following lines are a modest tribute to this great Transylvanian politician who tried to live up to the difficult times in which he lived and fought.

COOPERAREA ROMÂNO-IRANIANĂ ÎN PERIOADA 1965-1979

Author(s): Roxana Georgiana Nistor / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

The present paper analyzes the period in which Romania-Iran relations experienced the greatest development, from their beginnings until Nicolae Ceaușescu took power, both on a political and diplomatic level, and also on economic level. Until the abdication of the Iranian shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, in 1979 as a result of the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution, there was an intense collaboration between the governments in Tehran and Bucharest, mostly supported by joint plans for the economic development of the two states. Nicolae Ceaușescu found in Iranian shah a discussion partner with similar views on economic investments, which contributed to the signing of numerous agreements for the industrial infrastructure development in both states.

GERMANIA ȘI CHESTIUNEA UCRAINEANĂ ÎN PERIOADA INTERBELICĂ; PERSPECTIVA ROMÂNEASCĂ

Author(s): Ionuț BRAN / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

During the interwar period, the German interest in the Ukrainian issue remained constant and interfered with the Polish attitude and Romania's positioning towards the same common subject: geographical proximity to Ukraine and the existence of an independent Ukrainian state. Germany always looked to the east, showed aggression and sought to capitalize on the readiness of the Ukrainian emigration to be engaged in any possible approach that would have contributed to the unification of the Ukrainian population. For this purpose, plans were developed that also aimed at encouraging Ukrainian separatist movements.

ION (IANCU) BĂLĂCEANU (1828 – 1914), POLITICAL MAN AND DIPLOMAT OF MODERN ROMANIA

Author(s): Denisa Anamaria BURNEI / Language(s): English Issue: 32/2023

Ion (Iancu) Bălăceanu had a political career in continuous ascent occupying different key positions, such as: prefect of Câmpulung (1848), deputy of Râmnicu Sărat County (1867), prefect of the Bucharest police (1859; 1873) and senator (1876). The diplomatic career of Iancu (Ion) Bălăceanu was built, on one hand by the missions that he had in Paris (1866; 1884- 1885), Constantinople (1870-1871; 1866-1888), Vienna (1876-1882), at Rome (1882-1884) and London (1893-1901) as a diplomatic agent or as envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister, and on the other hand by his participation as a delegate in the framework at the first Commission of the banks of the Danube. The peak of his career was reached during the period 30 January – 30 March 1876 when he fulfilled his mandate as a Minister of Foreign Affairs. Also, remains an unforgettable contribution he had to the recognition of Romanian independence by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and also in the signing of the treaty between Romanians and Austro-Hungarians on 18 October 1883.

THE FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN FIFA PRESIDENT GIANNI INFANTINO AND RUSSIAN PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN - A SPORTS SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION

Author(s): Laurențiu-Nicolae Ginghină / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

Since 2014, Gianni Infantino developed a special relationship with Russian president Vladimir Putin, although Infantino was aware of the violent actions attributed to Putin. In this relationship Infantino became friends with Putin and increasingly supported the Putin regime in its reprehensible activities. In return Infantino illegally received at least free flights on private jets belonging to individuals and entities controlled by the Kremlin. As UEFA general secretary Infantino left the Russian Football Union (RFU) unsanctioned when it seized three Ukrainian clubs in Russian-occupied Crimea from Ukraine in August 2014, even though RFU was due to be expelled from UEFA. As FIFA President Infantino intervened in 2017 to illegally keep Russian Deputy Prime Minister Mutko on the FIFA Council and unfairly fired Miguel Maduro, head of FIFA's Governance Committee after he declared Mutko ineligible. In 2018, FIFA led by Infantino sanctioned Croatian player Vida with a warning for saying "Glory to Ukraine" in a private video, but in 2019, after Infantino received the Order of Friendship from Putin and shouted "Glory to Russia", instead of being sanctioned like Vida, he was re-elected FIFA president "by acclamation". Although perceived worldwide as an ally of Putin, without ever condemning any reprehensible acts committed by Putin and without returning him the Order of Friendship, Infantino still remains at the head of FIFA, voted by all the presidents of the world's federations and associations, including by those from Ukraine, from all NATO countries and EU member states.

Strategii de persuasiune în discursul președintelui României din perioada stării de urgență. Studiu de caz

Author(s): Andreea Nicoleta Soare / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/2020

Crises, as the one provoked by the COVID-19 pandemic, are events created by the society and mediatized through speech. These are unexpected moments which destabilize social norms. The importance of political speech is essential during crisis times, as it represents the only available tool to control the masses. During the state of emergency in Romania, in 2020, the political leaders realized that only through speech they can convince the entire society to follow the rules imposed by WHO to limit the spread of what was then called ` the invisible enemy`: the coronavirus. In this paper, I will analyse the persuasion strategies in the Romanian president’s speeches, between March 16th and May 15th 2020. I will show that the speeches of president Iohannis were mostly marked by arguments based on logos, at the beginning of the state of emergency period, followed quickly by speeches based on emotion (pathos), using mechanisms such as: the call on people’s collective memory, the exploitation of people’s fears through exaggerated cause-effect relations, the use of words belonging to the catastrophe language, false analogy, the claim of an equal position to Romanian citizens or the use of empathy.

Media Coverage of Gordon Brown’s ‘Bigotgate’ in the 2010 British General Election

Author(s): Fathi Bourmeche / Language(s): English Issue: 2 (254)/2023

The aim of the paper is to gain a better understanding of the effect of media on public opinion, with particular attention to Gordon Brown’s ‘bigotgate’ taking place in April 2010 during his campaign for the British general election. The paper seeks to argue that the event had a major impact on Brown’s political career as well as Labour’s image on the British political landscape. The corpus of the study includes a selection of 100 articles from The Guradian which are qualitatively analysed, using media agenda-setting and framing, and juxtaposed to 30 Ipsos Mori opinion polls dealing with the event and related issues. Results show that the event had major repercussions on the British political scene. It damaged Brown’s political career, contributing to Labour’s inability to secure their fourth term in Ten Downing Street and increased Britons’ concern about mass migration, particularly from Eastern Europe.

Polityczna stronniczość polskich mediów. Rafał Klepka: Polityka w krzywym zwierciadle mediów. Stronniczość polityczna mediów w relacjonowaniu parlamentarnych kampanii wyborczych w 2015 i 2019 roku. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego. Kra

Author(s): Weronika Saran / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2 (254)/2023

Polityka, pandemia i media – kryzys zaufania. Katarzyna Kamińska-Korolczuk: Polityka i media a kryzys zaufania. Polityka informacyjna mocarstw w czasie zagrożenia. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. Gdańsk 2021, s. 380.

Author(s): Agnieszka Szymańska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2 (254)/2023

PERSPECTIVES ON THE PARTITION OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN

Author(s): Marian Suciu / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2023

For a long time, the Indian subcontinent was under British rule, but more and more Indians fought for independence in the twentieth century, and the British were forced to renounce their rule. In 1947, the British offered independence to two different states, Pakistan and India, which provoked only violence, as the two peoples had lived together for a long period of time and were suddenly being made to choose a side according to their religion; thus began a time of death and sorrow. The traumatic experience of the partition of India from Pakistan is not only recorded by historians, but also by writers, and the current paper will present both the way in which this event is reflected by history and in novels.