Obraz życia codziennego Wilna w prasie konspiracyjnej

Author(s): Jacek A. Żurawski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 17/2019

The article presents the everyday life of occupied Wilno in 1939–1945 based on an analysis of the underground press published in the city. The problem-chronological text describes both the invaders’ terror, here the issue of mass murders in Ponary on both the Polish population and the liquidated ghetto, as well as the daily activities of the occupation authorities directed against the Polish population. The underground press devoted a lot of space to the liquidation of the Wilno ghetto, which was also reflected in the text. The difficult economic situation of the residents of Wilno and the villages of the Wilno region as a consequence of the occupation authorities’ policy was also presented. The city’s everyday life was also presented in various aspects, including activities licensed by the occupier of institutions such as the “Ali Baba” revue theater and propaganda struggle waged by underground editors in this respect. The text closes with a description of the image of Wilno occupied by the Soviet army after Operation Burza.

DISCURSIVE PRAGMATICS VIA CLASSICAL RHETORIC IN THE EUROPEAN DISCOURSE OF ASSISTENCE TO UKRAINE (BASED ON ENGLISHLANGUAGE SPEECHES OF GERMAN POLITICIANS)

Author(s): Natalia Kravchenko,Viktoriia Blidchenko-Naiko,Oleksandr Yudenko / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The specificity and conjugation of discursive pragmatics and classical rhetoric manifests itself when politicians are faced with the need for evasive formulations to mitigate a potential threat to their face. To substantiate the conceptual basis of discursive argumentation, the article differentiates between “topoi-integrators” and “topoi-arguments”. The topos-integrator "responsibility", actualized at the local and global discursive levels, appeal to ethos, supporting the logos-based argumentation by involving the ethos-based moral foundations of the speaker's position. Topoi-arguments "responsibility", “threat”, “reliability” and “law’ are rhetorically based on enthymeme as figures of reasoning that appeal to logos as well as on auxiliary figures of digressio, Past Fact / Future Fact, exergasia, climax, congeries, hyperbole and apagoresis, appealing to logos, ethos, and pathos. Pragmatically, the restoration of implicit premises and conclusions of enthymemes corresponds to explicatures, which become the basis for the generation of implicatures, provided that the speakers flout cooperative maxims. Disobeying the maxim of quantity of information is based on the figures of exergasia, climax, congeries, the maxim of relevance - on digressio, Past Fact / Future Fact, and the maxim of quality - on hyperbole and apagoresis. Through rhetorical figures and the corresponding pragmatics, the speakers implement the strategies of transferring and reducing responsibility, substitution of arguments, mitigation, partial distortion by exaggeration, simplification, etc.

Anti-Ukrainian Discourse of Russian Media: Elimination Via Manipulation

Author(s): Natalia Kravchenko / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

This article contains a multifaceted cognitive, pragmatic and verbal analysis of anti-Ukrainian discourse in the Russian media from the point of view of its eliminative features. The main argument is that the discourse-forming concepts of ‘Ukronatists’, ‘understate’ and the far peripheral concept of the ‘fraternal people’ underpins multilevel eliminative strategies and the manipulative techniques of their implementation. The article argues that the identified discourse-forming concepts correspond to the three types of the narrative modelling of events according to the scenarios ‘The Story of a Just War’ and ‘Fathers and Sons’, and based on the metaphors of ‘mental disorder’, ‘predatory, scientific abstraction’, ‘drugs/alcohol addiction’ and ‘a house for NATO’. These are used to conceptualise Ukraine and Ukraine-associated matters leading to the construction of eliminative strategies for denying Ukrainian national identity and statehood, polarisation, symbolisation based on group stigmatisation, extermination, explicit and implicit dehumanisation through animalisation, deindividualisation and impersonalisation, as well as delegitimisation and masking actions as counteraction and self-defence.

Eurasianism, Neo-Eurasianism and Anti-Ukrainianism in the Narratives of Modern Russian Propaganda

Author(s): Olena Balatska / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

This article explores the issues of information warfare during the Russian aggression in Ukraine. The information warfare against Ukraine involves a wide range of methods and techniques aimed at destabilising society, introducing appropriate changes in the public consciousness and legitimising aggression. The purpose of this article is to analyse the main narratives of Russian ideological doctrine and propaganda in the context of their significance for Ukraine. The work focuses on three main aspects: (1) the ideas of the Eurasian doctrine; (2) the main postulates of neo-Eurasianism; and (3) the narratives of modern Russian propaganda that are being promoted in relation to Ukraine. The study shows that there is a link between the Eurasian doctrine of the first half of the 20th century, neo-Eurasianism and modern propaganda that determines the changes taking place in Russian narratives.

Od Redaktora

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

Rozwój badań nad komunikowaniem politycznym w Polsce w kontekście światowym

Author(s): Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

Political communication is the process of exchanging political messages between political actors and citizens thanks to the available communication channels. The first scientific research appeared before World War II in Anglo‑Saxon countries. The development took place in the late 1960s. The leading topics are: political actors and their activities (election campaigns, political marketing, public relations, advertising), voters, mass and social media. The research dedicated to political communication in Poland began in the 1990s at the universities, mainly in Katowice, Krakow, Lublin, Poznan, Warsaw and Wroclaw.

Tradycja i teraźniejszość – Krakowskie środowisko badaczy komunikacji politycznej związanych z Instytutem Dziennikarstwa, Mediów i Komunikacji Społecznej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

Author(s): Agnieszka Hess,Agnieszka Szymańska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The aim of the article is to analyze the achievements of Krakow researchers associated with the Institute of Journalism, Media and Social Communication of the Jagiellonian University from the historical perspective of the development of research on political communication in Poland. The authors present research traditions derived from the legacy of the Press Research Center and scientific discussions published in Zeszyty Prasoznawcze, indicate key authors whose works have contributed to expanding the field and research perspective of political communication as a sub-discipline of communication science and map the current spectrum of their interests and methodology used by them based on the literature review.

Analiza sieci społecznych jako metoda badawcza w polskich studiach nad komunikowaniem politycznym

Author(s): Kinga Adamczewska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

New opportunities for creating and exchanging messages between political actors, the media and the audience/voters are to some extent the effect of the dynamically developing technological sphere. The advent of online media (including social media) has changed politics. At the same time, political communication is also changing. On the one hand, this is an inspiration and, on the other hand, a challenge for the scientific exploration of this research area. The interdisciplinarity of media science, which includes the study of political communication, prompts researchers to look for new research tools, especially in the field of data collection, analysis and visualisation. This leads to the incorporation of previously non-specific methods into the field of media studies. The aim of the article is to present social network analysis (SNA) as a method popular in American and European research, although still rarely present in Polish analyses of political communication. The article presents the characteristics of the method, its main indicators and the current state of research in Poland.

MOBILIZING THE MUSLIMS: OTTOMAN-GERMAN PROPAGANDA IN WORLD WAR I

Author(s): Ceren Uçan / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

On 2 August 1914, the Ottoman Empire and the German Empire agreed on an alliance, and the Ottoman Empire officially entered into World War I on 29 October 1914 as one of the Central Powers. In November, jihad was proclaimed by the Ottoman Sultan. The Ottoman and German governments published pamphlets, leaflets, and newspapers to mobilize Muslims in India, Egypt, and other dependencies of the Allies. They aimed to incite mutiny among native populations in their armies, foster Pan-Islamism, or create pro-German sentiments. While some of the propaganda materials invited Muslims to holy war, others used the Caliphate and the Ottoman Empire as a bridge to reach the Muslims. This article examines German and Ottoman propaganda to mobilize Muslims against the Allies.

ROMANIA, CROATIA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH GERMANY BETWEEN 1940-1945

Author(s): Mihail-Gabriel Chiricheș / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 35/2023

The present paper is probing the aspects that defined the German influence in Croatia, capturing some of the results of the subordinate politics in all aspects of the Reich and Italy. The Italian and German profiles governed the balancing policy of Croatia in favour of Germany for breaking away from the Italian friendship. Romania placed its destinies alongside Germany, these aspects being followed from the Romanian-German collaborations imposed by pacts, treaties, understandings and orientations within the Axis towards states that sought their covery of the territories taken over by Hungary in 1940.

A.C. Cuza’s Antisemitism: Parliamentary Speeches (1933-1937)

Author(s): Daniel-Valeriu Boboc / Language(s): English Issue: 16/2023

A.C. Cuza was a prominent antisemite politician. In the latter half of the interwar period, he realized that his movement could become more influent in the new context, after Adolf Hitler’s advent to power, when other countries also resorted to dictatorial or totalitarian regimes. He tried to use his presence in the Romanian Parliament as a springboard to gain votes and to convince the constitutional factor, King Carol II, that he was leading a popular movement and could be entrusted with government. However, he remained the same mono-thematic antisemite, incapable to come up with something new, including in antisemitism. He was not capable to propose a more complex understanding of the Romanian society’s problems and, as a consequence, was surpassed in influence by the Iron Guard.

Cognitive and Pragmatic Aspects of Metaphors in the Inauguration Speech of the Spanish 𝑃𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑙 𝐺𝑜𝑏𝑖𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑜 Adolfo Suárez

Author(s): Henrique Dores / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article aims at analysing the cognitive and pragmatic aspects of metaphors in the inauguration speech of the Spanish Presidente del Gobierno Adolfo Suárez, in Spain’s first constitutional government. The paper will uses a multi-disciplinary approach and relies on Lakoff and Johnson’s Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Charteris-Black’s Critical Metaphor Analysis, Teun Van Dijk’s context model theory, as well as on other pragmatic concepts that contribute to assessing the coherence and cohesion of the text. This qualitative approach intends to look for the presence of metaphors and conceptual metaphors in the speech, while attempting to identify the pragmatic strategies behind them.

THE VISITS OF CORNELIU MANESCU TO THE FORMER FRENCH MAGHREB COUNTRIES IN 1968

Author(s): Bogdan Iulian Ranteș / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 36/2024

This study aims to analyze the visits that the Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corneliu Mănescu, made to Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. In that year, the Romanian official became known worldwide due to the fact that he was then elected president of the UN General Assembly. Thus, he was invited to visit many countries, but he was not able to honor them all. The three states were selected because, at that time, their relations with Romania were on the rise. It was initially proposed that these visits be included in a tour, but Algeria objected because they were not on good terms with Morocco. In the article we will study how these visits were prepared, their schedule and the discussions that Mănescu had with the leaders and other officials of those states. The receptions worthy of a real head of state that Mănescu received in Morocco and Tunisia will also be presented, as several protocol norms were broken. It will also be analyzed how these events were propagandistically speculated by the Romanian communist press.

SOCIO-CULTURAL OVERVIEW OF THE WAR ON SOCIAL NETWORKS. POLITICS, IDENTITY(IES), LANGUAGE(S)

Author(s): Delia Andreea Oprea / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2023

The word "war” carries a strong nominal charge in several types of wars and several ways of waging them: war of position, economic war, atomic war, cold war, diffuse war, war against a pandemic, etc. This article takes us through a brief history of the recent war in images, as it has been taken up by social media, through several characters who have turned their current (and) current activity into a weapon of war: a war of images and social media. The approximation of what is personal or identity in social media and the politics of war represents a major shift brought about by recent, bloody events. About the self and politics, about images and the power of messaging, about language in the service of war on social media, a search for personal as well as national identity, these are the new issues brought to the agenda of the day through social media. The President of Ukraine himself, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, has started using social media relentlessly to get his anti-Russian message out to the world. This foray into social media, politics, identity, and language is one of the weapons of war and it should not be avoided, on the contrary, it should be seen, supported, and recorded in history.

VISIT OF TSAR NICHOLAS THE SECOND TO CONSTANTA (1914) AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR RUSSIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS

Author(s): Ștefan-Mario Rădulescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 36/2024

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Kingdom of Romania found again the moment to approach the Russian Empire, which was now in an alliance with France and then with England. Romanians began to overcome the injustices done in the past, realizing that the only chance to fulfill the national ideal (a possible union of Transylvania and Bukovina with the Kingdom of Romania) could be done with the help of Imperial Russia. A special episode that improved the diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Romania and the Russian Empire was the visit of Tsar Nicholas the Second in Constanta on June 1st, 1914. On the occasion of this visit, the royal family of Romania aimed for a potential marriage between Prince Carol, the son of Prince Ferdinand and Princess Maria and the grand duchess Olga Nikolaevna, one of Tsar Nicholas's daughters. This event would also have an important role in the subsequent decision of the Kingdom of Romania to enter the war that was just about to begin.

Reframing Democracy: Navigating Economic, Social and Media Obstacles in Albania’s Post-Communist Era

Author(s): Kejvin Jaku / Language(s): English Issue: 22/2023

Purpose: This study investigates the challenges that Albania faces in economic development, social changes, and media transparency in a democratic, postcommunist society. The analysis draws on contemporary historical sources, human rights reports, academic studies, news articles, and official governmental and nongovernmental publications, correlating these findings with Albania’s journey towards democratization. Findings: The essay identifies the economic repercussions of communist governance, including prevalent unemployment and fragile market structures. It explores the social impact, linking them to issues like suppression, fear, and weakened trust in the contemporary government. Originality/Value: This article provides an analysis of the challenges in postcommunist Albania, focusing on social and economic developments and media coverage. It suggests targeted strategies for the government to strengthen democratic institutions.

ANTI-ROMANIAN PROPAGANDA IN BASARABIA IN THE SPRING OF 1918

Author(s): Lucian Drăghici / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2018

The unification of Basarabia with Romania led to increasing anti-Romanian propaganda carried out by the internal and external forces that opposed to the decision democratically adopted by the legitimate representatives of the inhabitants of Basarabia at 27 March/9 April 1918. Agents from the East or among the local population tried to lead Basarabians into believing that the Romanian authorities opposed the reforms, especially the agrarian reform and the universal suffrage. The leaders of the Basarabian Romanians and the civil and military representatives of the Romanian state made significant efforts to eliminate the effects of the anti-Romanian propaganda theses. Unfortunately, many of these theses are still used today in the media and online, highlighting the negative aspects of the Romanian presence in Basarabia at that time and deliberately ignoring the martyrdom of the Romanians from Basarabia during the Soviet occupations.

Mykola Davydiuk, Як працює путінська пропаганда? (How Does Putin’s propaganda work?)

Author(s): Kateryna Shymkevych / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2023

Review of: Mykola Davydiuk, Як працює путінська пропаганда? (How Does Putin’s propaganda work?) Smoloskyp, 2019, 208 pp.

Inštitút prázdneho kresla a globálna „kultúra opičenia sa“

Author(s): Anna Sámelová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2024

The dramaturgy of an empty chair in a radio or television debate is a rare phenomenon in Slovakia. Despite this, Slovak journalism theorists and practitioners are increasingly encountering the scandalization of this symbolic editorial procedure by laymen. The interpretation of some politicians that an empty chair is censorship is particularly dangerous. The aim of this theoretical study is therefore to clarify what the empty chair institute is, when and how it can be applied, when and how it may not be applied, how it is related to the process of mediatization of the world and culture, why it has become an object of politicization, and how it is connected with the global “monkey-see-monkey-do-culture”.

Shifting Narratives of the Alternative for Germany

Author(s): Dita Sutterová,Vincent Kopeček / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

This article examines the evolving narratives of the German political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its potential as a hybrid threat. Through narrative manipulation, the AfD has demonstrated its ability to influence public discourse and distort reality via disinformation dissemination. The AfD established in 2013 in response to the financial crisis and dissatisfaction with the European Union, has transitioned into a populist party, and along with this change, it has also changed its narrative. This shift was notably evident during the migrant crisis in 2015, showcasing the party's adeptness at evoking fear and animosity among German voters. The AfD's narratives have been for years similar to those of the Russian Federation, which has used almost identical narratives on some topics. The German party is consequently working with Russian politicians to reshape democratic politics within Europe, and the AfD is accordingly acting as a hybrid threat to the entire European Union. The study is based on a discourse analysis of interviews conducted with German experts on the topic as well as a content analysis of selected German media to explore these narrative dynamics and their broader implications.