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The article investigates Dobrudzha (in the political boundaries of Bulgaria and Romania) – a zone of interpenetration of identities and cultural practices among the population as a result of its long co-habitation within the Ottoman Empire on the Black sea shores and on the banks of the lower Danube River. The author uses a syncretic approach, including observation in situ allowing both for the pointing out of the “internal” multiplicity of practices connected to one or more denominations, as well as for the outlining of ‘trans-confessional’ and the ‘trans-ethnic’ similarities – healing practices, contacts with trees, stones and springs as the intermediaries of the divine. The aim is to investigate some details, as well as to reveal common places and diversity.
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The Syrian civil war exacerbated sectarian divisions between the Alawite-ruled Syrian government and Syria’s Sunni population, straining also the relations between the Sunni majority and Alawite and Alevi minorities of the neighboring Turkey. The Alawites and Alevis of Turkey were predominantly supporting Syria’s president Bashar al-Asad, while the Turkish government greatly supported the Sunni insurgents of Syria. The paper aims at examining how Alawites and Alevis have influenced the relations between Turkey and Syria in the light of the Syrian civil war, the reasons behind the sympathy of Alevis for the Syrian government and the implications that Turkey’s Syria policy has had domestically. It finds that the Alevi / Alawite factor has had some restraining effects on Turkey’s antagonistic policy towards Syria. In the introductory part, the article touches upon the differences and the similarities between Alevis and Alawites, then it analyzes the developments in regards Turkey’s policy towards the Syrian crisis that were also reflected in Ankara’s domestic policy vis-à-vis its Alevi and Alawite minorities.
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Most international relations theorists regard the state as their primary actor, and the security concept is based too upon the society in its state form. However, the present phase of state existence, was only achieved after an extensive process of human societies' development in this direction, and the current state form, in its turn, is not definitive, as the state-organized societies are still in a continuous process of evolution, characterized by permanent change. In this paper we shall analyze how human societies have traversed the transition from the early stage, based on the itinerant exploitation of natural resources, which requires only an incipient organization,to the proto-state societies, and then, in a later process, we will continue our analysis until we find the model of state that we meet today.
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This article aims to explain citizens’ support for the Law on the Use of Languages (LUL) through their demographic characteristics, political participation, party affiliation and ethnic belonging. We base this article on an empirical ordered logistic regression models using an original database of 669 Macedonian respondents. We compare the support of Macedonian public for the LUL with the support for the general idea of promotion of the use of the languages of the non-majority ethnic communities in Macedonia. We argue that both the support for promotion of minority languages in Macedonia, as well as the support for this concrete Law depends mainly on citizens’ ethnicity and party affiliation. We find statistically significant opposition for the LUL among the ethnic Macedonians, the (Macedonian / mainstream) opposition parties, the participants in the so called ‘For a Shared Macedonia’ initiative, and those whose mother tongue is a minority language other than the Albanian.
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Nigeria is the most populous black nation in the world, member of the UN Security Council and largest economy of Africa. In addition to its globally acknowledged qualitative oil, it also has large deposits of mineral resources including tin, coal and gypsum, gold and lead. The country is not only engaged in a passionate competition with South Africa to attain the position of a continental superpower preparatory towards becoming a globally acknowledge giant but also comfortably playing a big-brother role among Africa nations. This paper uses documentary analysis to examine Nigeria’s social, economic and global potentials of fulfilling its dreams vis-a-vis the potentials of its competitor(s). The paper found out that Nigeria faces multidimensional challenges on its path towards continental leadership ranging from domestic problems of rising crime, incessant insurgency, dilapidated infrastructure, growing unemployment, over-reliance on dwindling oil income and leadership crises among others to intense competition from other strong African countries like South Africa, Egypt and Ethiopia. The paper concludes that the country’s goal of a regional superpower status is achievable but Nigeria must address its domestic challenges to win the race of attaining continental hegemony.
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The politics of godfatherism and regionalism has become a phenomenon in the political development of many nations Nigeria inclusive. The paper examined the determinants and impacts of politics of godson and regionalism in Yobe state. Indeed, the politics of godson or the elites have entered every hook and crannies of the state and have affected the political arrangement of the political system. The paper is qualitative in nature, data were generated from secondary sources where several related articles, newspapers, magazines, books were consulted etc. In explaining the topic under study, the researcher adopted Elite theory. This theory was propounded by Vilfredo Pareto in 1935, the postulation of the theory is that elites could only be replaced by another set of elites, meaning that the majority are unavoidably governed by the minority. The study found that the politics of godfatherism courses and affect the political development of Yobe state by restricting power in the hands of the few, in a specific geopolitical zone of the state. This has leads to inter-party and intra-party defections, decamping and conflicts among the party members. Therefore, the study recommends the adoption of the direct primary election in chosen candidate in all level of governance. INEC should also make a law that will discourage money politics and punish culpritinvolved in such an illegal act. To minimize the politics of Godfatherism, there is a need for political awareness campaigns on the effects of political godson on the political development of the state.
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The main objective of this article is to analyze the impact of Ankara’s reference to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire on contemporary Turkish foreign policy and the attitude of Poland towards such a reversal in Turkish diplomacy. Turkey is now more aware that it has no chance of gaining European Union membership. In this situation, Ankara has begun to emphasize its Eurasian character and is trying to build its influence in the region, in particular among eastern and southern neighbors. To have a greater impact on its neighbors, Turkey refers to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The weakening of Ankara's political relations with the western world is particularly worrisome for Poland, which appreciates Turkey's geostrategic position and its role in the European security system. The greatest concern among Poles is caused by the political and economic rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow. What also disturbs Poles is the fact that Turkey, which had made pro-democratic efforts, is departing from the principles fundamental to Europeans.
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L’effondrement des États communistes de l’Europe de l’Est a mis en lumière des histoires d’héroïsmependant la répression et fait parler d’oppression, de survie et de dignité. Cependant, les tendances historiogra-phiques récentes cherchent désormais à comprendre les aspects systémiques des quarante-cinq années de Régimecommuniste en Roumanie. Les études culturelles et sociales, l’histoire comparée, la et l’histoire orale, entre autres,interprètent et redimensionnent nos conceptions sur le mode de vie pendant le communisme. En partant d’uneapproche post-révisionniste, s’appuyant sur une analyse du discours et sur la sémantique, la présente étude sepropose d’interpréter quelques extraits des archives de la police politique (Securitate) concernant l’histoire dugroupe d’intellectuels et de clercs connu sous le nom de Rugul aprins (Buisson ardent), qui ont été cibles de la ré-pression communiste et incarcérés ensemble pour agissements contre l’ordre social. Puisque leurs préoccupations spirituelles et leur philosophie culturelle témoignaient pleinement d’une attitude anti-communiste et d’une cri-tique du régime socialiste, ils sont devenus l’objet d’un suivi informatif de la Securitate, puis inculpés lors d’un procès mené pendant la seconde vague répressive du régime, en 1958. La présente recherche suit la trame narra-tive et les thèmes du discours de la Securitate, en essayant en même temps de proposer une interprétation de la façon dont les institutions répressives se rapportaient face à l’idée de religiosité et de ‘mysticisme’.
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One of the challenges of monitoring political mobilization on social media is the setting of formalized mobilization criteria to identify early symptoms of political mobilization across different groups. We propose and test a tool for identifying groups that display a high level of political mobilization. This tool is based on the hypothesis that strong engagement of users in group activities and discussions is common to groups in a state of self-organized criticality (SOC). An attribute of SOC, known as pink noise, can be observed in time series. To test this hypothesis, we sourced data on activity in 200 Facebook groups in France and Germany.
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The türbe of Elmalı baba in the village of Bivolyane is probably the most visited by the Heterodox Muslim Turks place of pilgrimage in Eastern Rhodopi Mountains in Bulgaria. Nevertheless, there is no information about a narrative dedicated to the worship of the saints there. Most probably the reason for that is connected to two traumatic events: the closing of the türbe by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 and the forceful change of the names of the Turks in Bulgaria in 1984–1985. The article offers a hypothesis explaining the existence of an extremely rare co-presence of six (considered male) and one (worshiped as female) graves, which have appeared in the period between these two traumatic moments.
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La tradition du soutien russe aux églises orthodoxes de l’Orient et des Balkans a commencé a XVIe siècle et s’est poursuivie jusqu’en 1917. Au niveau gouvernemental, l’aide matérielle a été réduite et réglementée au XVIIIIe siècle, mais elle a gagné en générosité après 1830, en rapport avec l’évolution de la Lestion d’Orient et la rivalité des grandes puissances engagées au Moyen-Orient. L’article étudie le caractère et la distribution géographique du soutien de l’Église et du gouvernement russes, tout en observant que ces traits ont évolué dans le temps et qu’ils ont été in*uencés par les tendances politiques de certaines périodes. Il étudie aussi les nombreuses donations privées issues des pèlerinages en Terre Sainte et faites aux monastères d’Orient, aussi bien que celles résultant des relations personnelles avec le haut clergé. La tendance générale à augmenter les sommes et les dons jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale a été le résultat de la montée de la tension au Moyen-Orient et dans la Méditerranée orientale.
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The article presents the results of research related to scenario planning for security purposes. The study of analytical documents was assumed more reliable than strategy contents, guided by too many objectives other than an accurate forecast. Taking this criterion into account, The Global Trends. Paradox of Progress project was selected for analysis. The conducted research aimed to answer the following questions: What were the sources of theoretical (concepts and models) and methodological (empirical schools and methods) references in the analysed project? What are the conclusions for researchers on strategic studies and strategy? The very title of the study and the final forecast date of 2035 indicated that it was based on the scenario planning school. The consequence of the chosen theoretical concept was the applied methodology of scenario analysis. Not only did the article evaluate the report but also determined the canons of contemporary scenario planning, which is built by a triad composed of narrative scenarios, paradoxes, and strategic traps. The presentation of the essence of such strategic thinking was intended to encourage the discussions within the strategic studies and promote the concept of research that considers scientific foundations rather than political wishes and pressure.
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The subject of the article is the assessment of statistical data on the operational activity of British and Polish secret services against the background of perception of terrorist threats and current case law of courts and tribunals. The purpose of the article is to present a socially important problem, which is the correlation between the perception of terrorist threats by citizens and their awareness of the degree of violation of human and civil rights and freedoms in the name of combating terrorism. The main research methods used in this work include the dogmatic and legal methods and statistical data analysis. The conclusions of the conducted research are observations of changes in the perception of terrorist threats, which result to a large extent from the problem of the migration crisis and from the experience of a given country in carrying out terrorist attacks on their territory. The article, through the analysis of domestic and international case law, indicates the need for further development of research on limiting the rights and freedoms of the individual in order to ensure security.
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The spread of the Covid-19 has presented an unparalleled challenge for media management as well as for the media content. The pattern of daily life changed due to the excessive use of media. India, as a nation has been in the third position worldwide, many deaths during a pandemic are concerned. Kolkata being one of the metro cities of the country has not been exempted. The regional media content perceived a knowledge gap with the highest circulated national daily of the country. The changed media content, and audience perception towards the change, and the need for media advocacy during any health crisis in general and Covid-19 in particular, is studied in this paper using a mixed approach of both quantitative and qualitative. The discourse analysis of the newspapers in a constructed week format, representing a six months study during the pandemic, and the primary data from the audience suggested the behavior change and attitude formation through media, in this unique study.
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At the changing geopolitical landscape with the Covid-19 pandemic scenario, the China-India tussle and scale of regional and global exposition has begun to display with certain consequences, which seems to shake the existing regional balance of power. A mounting political and military confrontation between these two powers as experts suggested could create a hurdle on regional-global stability and can strike on the path of globalization. With historical and existing context analysis, this paper explores that putting genuine differences aside, China and India being responsible stakeholders of the global community, can cooperate and contribute to regional and global peace and prosperity. This paper is based on qualitative research and explorative form in a pattern. This paper concludes that to reduce protracted political and border-related tensions, continuous institutional dialogue, regular communication, and formal-informal exchanges could be effective tools for a peaceful resolution. At this juncture, the competition and cooperation approach could be useful for fostering China-India bilateral relations, and this situation will help to address common challenges of the global community, restructure the global order, and re-adjust regional and global scenarios crippled by the Covid-19 pandemic.
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The complications of the Syrian crisis that has extended over six years are overseen on three distinct levels which are national, topographical, and global. A closer look at the situation in Syria in 2010/2011 will help explain why the regime has survived, the complexities of the situation in Syria, and what makes the search for a stable political settlement so difficult. The purpose of the present study is to highlight the nature of US engagement in the Syrian crisis which involves maintaining the US military presence for regional stability, ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS, countering the future expansion of the Iranian influence and political settlement to the conflict, containing the Assad’s regime in the interim. By outlining various threats, issues, assessing the Syrian conflict and its key actors, this paper seeks to explain the US response to the Syrian crisis on basis of thematic analysis. In conclusion, the United States' foreign policy has continued in a region vital to its national security interests due to available oil, its impetus to protect Israel, to support security by retaining military bases, to preserve the position of the protectorate of client states, and friendly regimes, and to resist Islamic movements and terrorism.
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The author’s thesis in the article is that the process of state capture by the United Right is of a different nature than the actions undertaken by the political parties in power before 2015. A project of a illiberal counter-revolution is being implemented in a planned and consistent manner. The rejection of liberal democratic values involves the replacement of political and intellectual elites and attempts to impose and make dominant, with the support of institutions and resources at the disposal of the state, traditional values.
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This article discusses a new model of the threat of Indonesian terrorism, especially in the East Java region. Indonesian terrorism continues to grow even more dangerous than before because terrorism has a dynamic nature following the times. The research method for this article was a literature study, with data collection techniques using the Harzing PoP 8 application and some data from Google Scholar. The relevant references collected were converted into RIS data types using the Mendeley application. The RIS data was then processed using VOSviewer software to visualize data about previous research related to a new model of the Indonesian terrorism threat. The authors found that terrorism has survived to this day because it found new ways of recruiting and carrying out its acts of terror. Terrorism no longer focuses on a man as the perpetrator but involves women and even children in their actions. Terrorism can also utilize technological sophistication to support group movements and their acts of terror. This is evidenced by the blocking of 600 social media accounts by BNPT, which often uploads radical content in Indonesia.
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The role of the geopolitical location of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan towards United States (US) foreign policy from 1990 to 2017 is the focus of this study, which addressed the impact of important regional and international political events, positively or negatively, on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study adopted a qualitative approach, and primary data was collected through interviews with 16 participants from political, economic, and security experts in Jordan and the US. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data obtained. The study concluded that US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability extremely important; Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because critical Arab countries surround it, and Jordan enjoys a unique geographical location in the Middle East. Some political events play an essential role in US foreign policy concerning security aid to Jordan, as the US links its aid to Jordan to political events.
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