Tranziciona budućnost: politička upotreba proročanstava u Srbiji devedesetih

Author(s): Lidija Radulović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Media propaganda utilizes and revitalizes myths for their ability to generate nationalism. Prophesies or statements by psychics in the media, instigate and participate in the construction and reconstruction of mythologies of the Serbs in a new historical position. In this paper on the basis of discourse analysis of media propaganda, its usage in the social and political context of the nineties, is emphasized. In the prophecies, rhetoric mythical motives are being utilized: myth of the martyr and the destiny of the Serbian people as victims of a curse; the distinctions of the nation in regards of the supernatural and Para psychological motives; myth of the "golden age" that is mostly associated with the rule of Milosevic, widely considered to be the capable of leading the Serbs back to their past glory. The prophecies legitimize the existing relations of government and political dominance, construct new, or reinterpret old myths, ascribing to them new political functions that represent an element of the vital, national "mythologies of survival and identity". The usual methods of propaganda in the prophetic messages of psychics are being analyzed, and their instrumentalisation for the propagation of a model of thought magic, that is dogma free, but which relies on the psychology and the fear, are pointed out.

The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies

Author(s): Srđan Barišić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Islam, Freedom and Democracy in the Arab World

Author(s): Bassam Tibi / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

It is argued that the developments in the field of democracy in the Arab world have more important implications for Europe than for the US. If democracy is dismissed, it will be impossible for the European Islamic diaspora to integrate. Political freedom in Arab societies will not fall from heaven. Nor will it be presented as a gift by a ruler or be successfully imposed from outside by an external power. History teaches us that people have to fight for their rights and will continue to be subjugated as long as they fail to do so. In this context one needs to ask whether political Islam provides a light at the end of the dark Middle Eastern tunnel. The answer of the present analysis suggests that it does not. Yet the historical experience of introducing democracy to the Arab world has shown that no one can overlook the religion of Islam while talking about democracy in a political sense. The place of Islam has to be restricted, however, to an ethics of democracy and never be extended to a system of government and state. This author cannot detect the spirit and institutions of democracy either in the concept or practice of a Shari’a state. Therefore, the de-politicisation of Islam is an essential part of the needed democratisation of this religion. Stated in a nutshell, this formula presented by the Islamists of al-Islam huwa al-Hal [Islam is the solution] is to be reversed: political Islam is not the solution! The conclusion is thus twofold – on the one hand, there can be no democracy or democratisation without engaging an Islamic discourse on this issue. On the other hand, an Islamisation of politics in the Arab world is not the right avenue for introducing a civil Islam that is consonant with democracy. To be sure, democracy is a political culture of rule based on pluralism; it is not a valuefree procedure of voting for a political direction that opposes pluralism in a civil society in favour of a religion-based rule under the heading of ‘nizam Islami’ [Islamic system]. This nizam would be no road to democratisation. Arab democracy cannot be a copy of Western democracy. Nevertheless, it could be a variety of the phenomenon of a universal democracy, but never really a rule in its own terms.

Political Islam and the European Neighbourhood Policy

Author(s): Michael Emerson,Richard Youngs / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Part A Case Studies in Political Islam

Author(s): Samir Amghar,Amel Boubekeur,Salah Eddine Jorshi,Emad El-Din Shahin,Talal Atrissi,Salam Kawakibi,Senem Aydin,Ruşen Çakır / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

MOROCCO (by Samir Amghar. pp 14-28) | ALGERIA (by Amel Boubekeur, pp. 29-45) | TUNISIA /by Salah Eddine Jorshi, pp. 46-64) | POLITICAL ISLAM IN EGYPT (by Emad El-Din Shahin, pp 65-85) | POLITICAL ISLAM IN LEBANON (by Talal Atrissi, pp. 86-98) | POLITICAL ISLAM IN SYRIA (by Salam Kawakibi, pp. 99-112 ) | POLITICAL ISLAM IN TURKEY (by Senem Aydin and Ruşen Çakr, pp. 113-135)

EVALUATIONS: The Impact of Western Policies towards Hamas and Hezbollah: What Went Wrong?

Author(s): Natalie Tocci / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

International policies and in particular EU and US policies towards Hamas and Hezbollah have had multiple and interlocking effects in the last two years. Most visibly, Western policies have impacted upon the two movements themselves, on the domestic governance systems in Palestine and Lebanon, and on the relations between Hamas and Hezbollah and their respective domestic political rivals. In turn, they have also had an impact on the conflicts between Israel and Palestine/Lebanon, and on the mediating roles of the international community. The balance sheet is far from positive. Paradoxically, western policies have often hampered the quest for international peace, democracy and good governance, as well as inter- and intra-state reconciliation. This chapter offers a comparative analysis of the impact of Western policies on three principal domestic and international dimensions of the Middle Eastern conundrum: * the transformation and popularity of Hamas and Hezbollah | * Lebanese and Palestinian governance and | * intra-Lebanese and Palestinian reconciliation.

Political Islam in Europe

Author(s): Amel Boubekeur / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Europe is currently home to an extremely diverse landscape of political Islamic movements. This diversity is even greater than in most Muslim countries, where ideological Islamic expression is often limited by the official ideology of the state. In Europe, these movements are often mobilised in defence of European Muslim interests; they work for the recognition of Islam or as its spokesperson in dealing with European states or with the majority of Muslims who are not concerned with political Islam. These movements have been present in Europe for a long while now (between 20 and 40 years for most of them) but their daily realities are still not well known to European policy-makers, neither at the European, national nor local level. This presentation of the European landscape of political Islam does not aim to be exhaustive. We will concentrate on those movements that are the most active in the political sphere and whose political evolution is the most significant, such as the Islamists in exile from the Muslim world, the UIOE (Union of Islamic Organisations of Europe), the Muslim Brotherhood, the Milli Görüs and political Sufism such as the Participation and Muslim Spirituality movement or the Ahbash. Finally, we will also look at missionary and predicative movements such as the Tabligh and Salafism. We will thus not be looking at jihadist movements or at Shi’ism, nor will we deal with the cultural and ethnic management of certain Turkish, North African, Arab or Indo-Pakistani Islamic movements.

Salafism and Radicalisation of Young European Muslims

Author(s): Samir Amghar / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

European Islam is more than half a century old. Since the end of the 1980s, a new form of religiosity has emerged among young people of North African, Turkish or Indo-Pakistani origin, some of whom were born in Europe. This new variation of Islam was first of all largely the result of ‘reislamisation’ movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood. However, the 1990s also saw the emergence of another movement in the ‘re-islamisation’ dynamics in Europe: Salafism. It is possible to distinguish three streams of Salafism here. The first is revolutionary; it places ‘jihad’ at the heart of religious beliefs. The second is predicative Salafism, which bases its actions on preaching and religious teachings. The last is political Salafism, which organises its activities around a political logic. Each one of these currents entertains a specific relationship with European societies, with Muslim societies and with the means – including jihad – of hastening the eventuality of the Islamic state. The new relationship towards Islamic teachers that is prevalent among these young people is not simply the reproduction of the communitarian religiosity of their parents. If the religious affiliation of the previous generation was founded on an ethno-national logic, as well as on the dominance of traditional attitudes towards religion, these young people refuse to reproduce the inclinations of their parents. Until the beginning of the 1990s, both the Muslim Brotherhood and the Tabligh, played a central role in re-islamisation, effectively enjoying a monopoly in the supply of Islam to Europe. Since then, we have witnessed the diversification of this supply with the arrival of new actors. Among them, Salafism, a once marginal group in Europe, has become a pillar of re-islamisation at the beginning of the 21st century, competing with the more traditional structures. While both the Muslim Brotherhood and the Tabligh present a doctrinal and organisational homogeneity, Salafism appears to be a movement that is both pluralist and contradictory, of which it is necessary to identify its multiple European components.

Islamic Terrorist Radicalisation in Europe

Author(s): Olivier Roy / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The West European terrorist Since 9/11, a great deal of data has been accumulated on the terrorists linked to al Qaeda. The picture that emerges shows the growing role played by Western Muslims. They constitute the bulk of the terrorists involved in actions perpetrated here in Europe. But they are also involved in terrorist actions abroad and participate in the different international military jihad (from Faluja to Kashmir). These Western Muslims have varied personal histories and include different categories: the majority are second-generation Muslims who were either born in Europe or came as children; we also find people who came as students or as political refugees; thirdly, there has been a significant number of converts. They all share common patterns. They speak European languages, are Western educated, and many have citizenship of a European country. They have had a ‘normal’ Western teenager’s upbringing, with no conspicuous religious practices, often going to night clubs, ‘womanising’ and drinking alcohol. None have previous religious training. Most of them are born-again (or converts): they became religious-minded Muslims in Europe, even if a few of them, in the aftermath of (re)discovering Islam, went to Middle Eastern madrasa (school or college) to improve their religious knowledge (this is mainly true of British Pakistanis and of converts). When they went to university, their curricula were modern and secular (computer science, engineering, etc.). In many ways they are modern.

Muslims and Discrimination

Author(s): Tufyal Choudhury / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The urgent need to tackle the discrimination faced by Muslims in Europe has emerged as a key concern of European policy-makers. Discrimination is considered a significant contributor to alienation and disaffection among Muslims, a barrier to integration and a risk factor for radicalisation. Developing effective and coherent policy interventions requires a clear understanding of the nature of the discrimination faced by Muslims as well as an assessment of the strength and limitations of existing policies. The first part of this paper examines the nature of the discrimination faced by Muslims in Europe. It sets out some of the research and statistical data that are available on performance by minority groups in relation to key socio-economic indicators. While this provides important information about the disadvantages experienced by minority groups that are predominately Muslim, the paucity of information on Muslims, as a group, limits our understanding of both the disadvantages and the discrimination Muslims encounter. In examining the data, the difficulty of identifying the role of ‘discrimination’ from data is explored. Furthermore, even when there is sufficiently robust data to allow statistical regression that can identify an ‘ethnic’, ‘religion’ or ‘migrant’ penalty, the nature of discrimination that Muslims are confronted with remains complex and varied. It is suggested that the main grounds for discrimination that Muslims face vary between different Muslim groups. For some, the first order of discrimination may be on the basis of nationality, refugee or immigration status. For others, colour and racial discrimination may be prevalent and for others it may be religious discrimination. Most importantly, attempting to identify a particular area of discrimination overlooks the potential for discrimination on intersectional and multiple grounds. Finally, even when it is possible to identify religious discrimination, the experience and impact of it can vary among Muslims. A second part of this paper explores the possibilities, potential and limitations within the current EU policies aimed at tackling discrimination. It begins therefore, by setting out the developments in EU antidiscrimination legislation and policy – with a focus on the EC Directive for tackling discrimination on the grounds of religion and belief in employment (the Framework Directive) – considering the relationship between equality and discrimination. It is argued that a fundamental constraint on the use of tools provided by the legal framework is the absence of any consensus on a vision of what equality for Muslims looks like. The paper then explores some of the limitations of the Framework Directive; these include the limited scope of the application of the directive, the potential for addressing multiple or intersectional discrimination and the continuation of an approach that relies on individuals making complaints.

Access to Media for European Muslims

Author(s): Isabelle Rigoni / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Despite its rank as the second-largest religion in several European countries, Islam is facing severe resistance at both state and societal level. Certain conservative political and media discourses associate Islam with violence and fanaticism. For most Muslims, however, their religion is associated with notions of justice and democracy. The conflict between these two conceptualisations of Islam has reinforced defensive attitudes on both sides. While Muslim stereotypes have increased since 9/11, so have the voices in favour of civil liberties for Muslims in Europe. As is argued here, ethnic media (i.e. Muslim media) are playing a major role on both sides of the debate. These questions are of common concern to many EU member states and associated states and European institutions. They are based on three assumptions. Firstly, new information and communication technology (ICT) has reshaped the media scene, which is now accessible to increasing numbers of people, including exchanges between European countries and third countries. Secondly, the transnational mobilisations are increasingly influenced by ICT, which makes it possible for individuals to travel – both virtually and in reality – between several countries. Thirdly, the representation of the minority or marginalised groups, particularly in the case of Muslims, has become one of the key questions of European sociopolitical debate, and at the same time can be seen as a test for European democracy. I would like to propose a historical reading of the representation of Muslims and Islam in the media. It is a question of understanding how media discourse evolved as it did and how and when Muslims are portrayed in the media. Several questions can be raised: How do media technologies influence conditions within both the Muslim community and the mainstream? What are the consequences of national and EU policies for Muslim citizens and their media regarding their social and political inclusion? How do European Muslims aggregate interests in a more effective and efficient way via their own media? Do Muslim media advocate social inclusion or pursue narrow interests?

References and Further Reading

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Land of an Appropriated God

Author(s): György Gábor / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In December 2005, Viktor Orbán participated in an Advent conversation with Béla Balás, bishop of Kaposvár and Zoltán Balog, a Calvinist pastor (today Minister of Human Resources), where he talked about his own faith, his commitment to Christianity, his political mission, and also touched on topics like the fear of God, religious life, the relationship between government and Church, and the Church as an absolute standard of values, revealing to the audience his ars poetica as a politician and a leader.

Sloboda veroispovesti i pravni subjektivitet crkava i verskih zajednica u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije

Author(s): Vladimir Đurić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Freedom of religion is not only individual right, but also freedom that is enjoyed in community with others. In this paper the author analyses the institutional or corporate dimension of freedom of religion, its constitutional and statutory regulation in the former Yugoslavia countries. In all constitutional systems, churches and religious communities are separate from the state. Legal regulation of the institutional dimension of freedom of religion is based on the notion that churches and religious communities are subjects of corporate religious freedom. Their legal identity is determined, inter alia, by their religious identity. The acquisition of legal personality of churches and religious communities is carried out through their registration in specific administrative procedure, but the continuity of action of some churches and religious communities and the special status of traditional churches and religious communities are recognized by the law in several countries. Legislations of the former Yugoslav republics recognize the special character of legal personality of churches and religious communities. That special character is in function of maintaining the cooperation between state and churches and religious communities which exists in the public domain and which is not excluded by the constitutional principle of separation of state from the churches and religious communities.

Sekularno društvo i religija

Author(s): Saeid Abedpour / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Sekularni i religijski fundamentalizam obično priječe put bilo kakvu racionalnom promatranju ovoga odnosa i izričito odbacuju ispravnost onog drugog. Sekularizam je jedan od onih osnovnih pojmova kojima se hrani moderno zapadno mišljenje. Ovaj pojam nije naišao na jednak odjek i reakcije u muslimanskim i kršćanskim društvima. Većina zapadnih mislilaca, sljedbenika Kantove misli,vjeruju kako je u ondašnjim društvima religija izgubila svoju društvenu ulogu i postala isključivo individualno pitanje. Neki,opet, uz diplomatski respekt i uvažavanje naizgled Crkve, poriču društvenu ulogu religije, zadržavajući je na polju duhovnoga. Jedan mislilac u zapadnome društvu kazat će kako on živi u sekularnom društvu u kojem religija ne determinira etičke i društvene odnose. Charles Taylor protivi se interpretaciji prema kojoj je to društvo iz kojeg je Bog protjeran.

The Role of the Social Assistant Worker in Romania and the Involvement of the Church

Author(s): Georgeta Stoica-Marcu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In Romania, social assistance is the totality of measures taken by the state, the Church and other non-governmental organizations to support people in special situations of difficulty due to poor mental or physical conditions such as chronic diseases, accidents, natural disasters, age and others, in order to overcome the state of difficulty. Social assistance in the form of social policies and the implementation of these actions in the territory is done by applying legislative regulations, which focus on people in difficulty. The social assistant worker must know the main forms of the social assistance system, is the most important normative acts of the moment and the institutions that deal with their provision. According to Father Stăniloae “deeds are the manifestations of the loving relationship between person and person” (Stăniloaie 2003, 244). The importance of good works is based on the conception of God and man as personal realities.

„Dyplomacja diaspor” – zaangażowanie diaspory w budowanie reputacji państwa na arenie międzynarodowej na przykładzie Turcji

Author(s): Łukasz Sławomir Fraszka / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

As a non-state actor in international relations, the diaspora has a strong influence on the society of the host state, but also on the state of origin. Therefore, the use of the diaspora has become a significant means of promoting the soft power of the state of origin. This paper seeks to understand the extent to which diasporas are independent actors and the extent to which their position in the different contexts of host and home states affects their political activity. The pursuit of influence by building networks, communicating persuasive narratives, setting international rules, and using (soft) resources have become major state activities in the international arena. Accordingly, states have been forced to use new tools to build their reputations in the international arena. One such tool has become „diaspora diplomacy”, a state action to use the diaspora to promote a positive image of the country of origin as well as its culture in the host country. The diaspora is not only a foreign policy tool, but as an element of soft power, it can exert pressure on the country of origin. Therefore, diaspora communities can influence the economic and political processes of host countries in favor of the interests of their homelands. One country that has begun to focus on developing its influence by „diaspora diplomacy” is Turkey under the Justice and Development Party government.

O RELIGIJI I RADU AKADEMIKA IVANA CVITKOVIĆA

Author(s): Dino Abazović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ne gubeći iz fokusa njihov ideologijski karakter, prekomponirat ću Mouzelisovu postavku na sljedeći način – prve dvije sfere (ekonomska i politička) ključne su za današnje razmatranje, uz ostale, i obrazovne sfere u Bosni i Hercegovini. Mjesto i uloga religije u obrazovnoj sferi, odnosno uticaj religije na prisvajajući, ideologijski karakter društvenih aranžmana i pravila u obrazovnoj sferi, također je posve evidentan.

Christian Right and US Middle East Policy: Foreign Policy in The Service of God’s Will

Author(s): Marina Eleftheriadou / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Religion has always been an integral feature of Unites States (US) socio-political landscape, even though the US were the first polity to ban the establishment of an official state-endorsed religion. The influence of religion in US policy-making has ebbed and flowed over time. Yet, it always lingered in what Huntington dubs as ‘American Civil Religion’, which rests on a pervasive—trans-religious and extra-religious—belief that Americans are ‘chosen’ people destined to play a unique role in the world. On top of this creeping religiosity, which manifests in the religious references, symbols and performative functions that ‘embellish’ various public rituals, actors across the religious spectrum have strived to influence policy-making on state and federal level. Their ability to do so suffered under the advent of modernity’s crushing rationality in the 19th and religiously-diverse migration in the early 20th century. Scopes trial (1925), best known as Monkey trial, was the symbolic turning point in the struggle between the forces of modernity and religion. The latter’s ridicule in the courtroom and the frontpages of national press spearheaded a period of geographical, social and political retreat. The secularisation thesis—a dominant paradigm within sociology of religion for the better part of the 20th century— theorised a deterministic drive to secularism, culminating in the eventual demise of religion as a potent socio-political force. In reality, US religious actors’ retreat lasted less than half a century.

The Role of Interreligious Dialogue and Outreach in Building Trust and Strengthening Social Inclusion in Europe: the case of Network for Dialogue

Author(s): Amjad Saleem,Aleksandra Djuric Milovanovic / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Since 2015, migration to Europe has created challenges for community relations in terms of dealing with cohesive integration and a recognition of the growing diversity within communities. In recent years, European policymakers have perceived the arrival of refugees and migrants as a challenge especially as they try to address cross cuttingissues of social cohesion, economy and health. Representations of the ‘migrant crisis’ reinforce negative perceptions of migration dynamics. One narrative, which paints the notion of the arrival of refugees and migrants since 2015 as a constant flow of people that suddenly and unexpectedly pushed at the continent’s Mediterranean borders, distorts the lived experience of migration and trivialise migration-related challenges. Focus on the frequency and scale of the migration undermines nuanced understanding of the causes, consequences and experiences of migrants and refugees.