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Odluka Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog vijeća (VSTV) o zabrani isticanja vjerskih obilježja u pravosudnim institucijama BiH izazvala je i izaziva različite reakcije i interpretacije. Ona je u bosanskohercegovačkoj javnosti shvaćena prvenstveno kao zabrana nošenja hidžaba, što je za veliki dio muslimanske populacije neprihvatljivo jer se nošenje hidžaba shvaća kao vjerska obaveza, a neprihvatljiva je i za dio civilnog sektora jer u tome vide povredu temeljnih ljudskih prava, u ovom konkretnom slučaju prava žene. Zabrana nošenja hidžaba u javnim institucijama slične reakcije izaziva i u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i pokazuje da o značenju, ulozi i mjestu hidžaba ne postoji konsenzus ni unutar islamskih zajednica ni između tih zajednica i sekularne države. U specijalnom broju njemačkog mjesečnog časopisa za društvo i kulturu (Herder Korrespondenz) posvećenom temi suvremenog islama u Njemačkoj i u islamskim zemljama, između ostalog se govori i o značenju i ulozi i mjestu hidžaba u islamu. Dok je za jedne neprihvatljiva zabrana nošenja hidžaba u javnim institucijama jer se „hidžab ne može svesti na simbol“, jer je on „božanska zapovijed“ i jer bi „zabrana značila prisilno povlačenje žena koje ga nose iz javnog društvenog života“, za druge je „relikt prošlosti i arhaičnih društava“, nije vjerska obaveza već „sredstvo koje se zloupotrebljava u patrijarhalnim društvima za podčinjavanje žena“ . Uglavnom ova dva suprotstavljena stava karakteriziraju i rasprave o hidžabu u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ova odluka VSTV-a i reakcije koje su potom uslijedile pokazale su koliko je osjetljivo područje ljudskih i „vjerskih“ prava, kako o tome, unatoč i međunarodnim konvencijama i aktima, u pojedinačnim slučajevima ne postoji konsenzus između sekularne države i vjerskih zajednica ali ni unutar jedne te iste vjerske zajednice. Rasprave o odluci VSTV-a o zabrani isticanja vjerskih simbola u pravosudnim institucijama prilika su da se progovori i o drugim temama i problemima koji se tiču odnosa sekularne države i vjerskih zajednica, da se iznova otvore i one teme koje se smatraju završenima, počevši pritom od Zakona o slobodi vjere i pravnom položaju Crkava i vjerskih zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini koji privilegira takozvane „tradicionalne“ Crkve i vjerske zajednice, zanemarujući prava manjinskih vjerskih zajednica i njihovih pripadnika, da spomenemo bar jedan „problem“ koji proizlazi iz tog zakona. Prilika je to da se progovori i o disharmoniji i napetostima ljudskih i vjerskih prava, teoloških principa i učenja određenih vjerskih zajednica i njihovih institucionalnih društveno-političkih interesa.
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This modern translation of all the surviving literary compositions ascribed to Liudprand, the bishop of Cremona from 962 to 972, offers unrivaled insight into society and culture in western Europe during the "iron century". Since Liudprand enjoyed the favor of the Saxon Roman emperor Otto the Great, and traveled to Constantinople more than once on official business, his narratives also reveal European attitudes toward the Byzantine Empire and the culture of its refined capital city. No other tenth-century writer had such privileged access to the high spheres of power, or such acerbic wit and willingness to articulate critiques of the doings of powerful people. Liudprand's historical texts (the Antapodosis on European events in the first half of the 900s, and his Historia Ottonison the rise to power of Otto the Great) provide a unique view of the recent past against a genuinely European backdrop, unusual in a time of localized cultural horizons. Liudprand's famous satirical description of his misadventures as Ottonian legate at the Byzantine court in 968 is a vital source of information on Byzantine ritual and diplomatic process, as well as a classic of medieval intercultural encounter. Readers interested in medieval European culture, the history of diplomacy, Italian and German medieval history, and the history of Byzantium will find this collection of translated texts rewarding. A full introduction and extensive notes help readers to place Liudprand's writings in context.
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Evliya Celebi was an enlightened man in a variety of ways who believed in equality, freedom of thought and intellectual debate, and found all of these things present in Islamic societies. Over the course of his travels, he wrote ten volumes detailing his adventures. ‘Seyahatname’ – Book of Travels – is a unique and important text, representing one of the few accounts of the 17th century and the Ottoman world from the perspective of a Muslim. These are not just factual accounts, Evliya had a great imagination and just as important as his journal entries were the imaginative storytelling that ran alongside, elaborating, exaggerating, and fantasizing. Through his stories, we are prompted to think more imaginatively about our own travels and journeys to other cities. This 17th-century Muslim traveler can sometimes seem narrow-minded and yet this same man can stand in St Stephens Cathedral in Vienna and be moved by the music he hears. Sometimes these encounters lead to nothing but sometimes they lead to stories which are so deeply felt, and so universally melodic that they leave echoes which can still be heard and felt today. In 2011, the year which would have been his 400th birthday, Evliya is being paid homage as UNESCO’s Man of the Year.
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We may search the genesis of the issue concerning the status of the Orthodox Church in Macedonia in the fight of the Balkan countries and churches for their dominance in Macedonia that was under Ottoman power, in the second half of the XIX and beginning of XX century. In fact, Macedonian Ecclesiastical Issue presents an integral part of the Macedonian national issues. Three factors were of main importance for solving this issue, in the first years after the foundation of Socialistic Yugoslavia, but also during the following two decades. Republic and federal authorities, Serbian Orthodox Church and Macedonian church authorities, organized within the Initiative Board for organizing the Orthodox Church in Macedonia. Priesthood’s demands were reflected in the resolutions that were adopted during the Assembly that was held in May 1945 and during the Conference held in May 1946. In a short period of time, main premises of the resolutions, being influenced by the actual political circumstances evolve from demands for autocephaly to autonomous rights for the Macedonian eparchies. The demands, set in this manner shall have influence on determining the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in years 1958 and 1967.
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Serbian and Bulgarian Orthodox Church entered into a process of gradual rapprochement during the interwar period. The process was aiming to overcome feelings of mutual distrust and bitterness caused by the ongoing implications of the ‘Macedonian Question’ and maltreatment of the Serbian priesthood under the Bulgarian occupation of Serbia during World War I. An important role of intermediary in this process of reconciliation was played by organization ‘The World Alliance for International Friendship through the Churches’. After the church delegates faced many difficulties; a final breakthrough in negotiations took place on the meetings held in the monastery of Rila in Bulgaria in 1933 and the monastery of St. Naum in Ohrid in 1936. Since then, the relations between the two churches became more or less sett led until the April War in Yugoslavia in 1941. Namely, as a consequence of the partition of the Yugoslav territory the Bulgarian Orthodox Church had assumed jurisdiction over three Serbian Orthodox Church dioceses in Macedonia.
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The demands for reforms in many matters occurred in the Orthodox Churches after the First World War. One of the most important of them was the matter of the calendar. Representatives of the Ecumenical Patriarchy were leading proponents of the reformist tendencies within Orthodoxy. This was a direct consequence of the political changes in Turkey in 1920s. They convened an all-Orthodox congress in Constantinople in 1923, which was attended also by the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Neither all Orthodox Churches nor the majority of their representatives were represented at the congress, so its legitimacy soon became disputed. The decisions which were reached were not put to practice by most Orthodox Churches, and even where they were, it was not done in the same way, which led to serious splits within the Orthodox world. Although it had its representatives at the congress, the Serbian Orthodox Church did not apply its decisions (the calendar, the second marriage of priests etc.). Diverging opinions about the congress’s decisions caused serious polemics among theologians and priests in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Attempts at solving the questions which divided the orthodox world at the ecumenical congress yielded no results until the Second World War, and they remained open even later.
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The insight into the life of Dobrica Ćosić uncovers a personality that, although in formative years at first in contact with the religious movement of Bishop Velimirović, soon came under influence of communism siding with it, above all out of belief in the possibility of a more just society. With that aim he fought at war, but according to his own testimony, soon became disappointed. In 1951 he left professional Party work and turned to writing, remaining an important link between intellectuals and politics. The work and influence of Ćosić show that he wasn't just another contemporary of Josip Broz Tito, but rather more than that. The research of the relation of Dobrica Ćosić to Tito, to national and social question and to Yugoslavia has several starting points: firstly, Ćosić's relation to communism as a new religion; secondly, the writer's need to „change the world"; thirdly, the novel Roots (1954] as the turning point in Ćosić's opus; fourthly, his positioning in the discussion about leaving the Soviet party model, and in connection with that, the understanding of Yugoslavia in early 1960s; finally, the novel The Time of Death which established Ćosić in the position that would secure him the status of „the Father of the Nation" a decade later. That status is no empty metaphor, and Ćosić himself saw himself as „the paradigm of Serbian fate". On the one hand - there were numerous editions of his works, adaptations for film and theater, imposition of it as mandatory school literature, literary awards, on the other - membership in the Central Comittee of the Union of Communists of Serbia and, later on, the post of the president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. With that dual role, with great self-awarenes of that role, Ćosić became a kind of institution, a collective project of a sort, around whome a network of social, political and intellectual ties came to being. From that vantage point, he acted for decades as one of the key actors in politics and culture. The polemics with the Slovenian intellectual Dušan Pirjavec in 1961/62, his positioning concerning the fate of Aleksandar Ranković, his views on national question and the overall Yugoslav ideology of the Yugoslav communists kept pushing Ćosić away from the Party which he realy left in 1971. By that time he had already become the chairman of the Serbian Book Cooperative and a corresponding member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. In the meantime in 1969 a book by Ćosić (Power and Anxiety) was banned for the first time. During the 1980s Ćosić became the leading figure of the out-of-institutions opposition and his reputation would constantly be on the rise from then on, leading him finally to the post of the president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the midst of the war in 1992. With distancing from the national policy of the Party Ćosić increasingly embraced the idea of solving the Serbian national question through a unification of the Serbs in one state. Transplanting a 19th century goal - the Serbian state - to the end of the 2 0 th century determined everything else. The priorities: mobilizing the people and their firm unity before the domestic and foreign opponent of the goal. Means: wars for state borders. Several phases of Dobrica Ćosić's relation to Tito should be distinguished. For start, it would be important to establish chronological borderlines and internal characteristics of each period. Conditionally speaking, the periods could be named thus: 1) Fasciantion by Tito (1945-1961); 2) Struggle for Tito (1961- 1966); 3) Refusal to be Defeated (1968-1980); 4) Ideological War agains Titoism as Anti-Srbism (1980-1991); 5) Armed War for Solving the Serbian Question as a State Question (1992-1999); 6) Anti-Titoism as the Basis of the New Serbian Identity (1999-2000). Each of these periods views Tito in a different way, having in mind above all Ćosić's views on the national question to which he increasingly reduced his views on Yugoslavia and socialism.
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On 15 December in Kyiv, the Orthodox Church General Council of the Metropolis of Kyiv, which is subordinate to the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, was convened. The attendees approved the statute presented by the Ecumenical Patriarch, and elected Metropolitan Epiphanius (bishop of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Kyiv Patriarchate, UOC-KP) to be its superior. Epiphanius will be granted the tomos, giving the Metropolis of Kyiv autocephaly (canonical independence), in Istanbul on 6 January 2019. The newly founded church will be called the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, thus commencing the process of unification of the church structures of three Ukrainian orthodox churches: the Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Kyiv Patriarchate, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC), and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), which recognises the primacy of the Moscow Patriarch. For the moment the number of priests and faithful of the Patriarch of Moscow that will move to the new Metropolis of Kyiv is not clear. The convening of the general council and election of the superior of the united church will not necessarily bring to an end the split within Ukrainian orthodoxy. This is merely the beginning of a complicated process that could trigger a series of conflicts within Ukraine and in Ukrainian-Russian relations. The convening of the Kyiv council is a success for Petro Poroshenko, who agreed the granting of the tomos last spring with Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew in person. This will be a success actively exploited for the purpose of the presidential election campaign (31 March 2019), but does not guarantee that he will go through to the second round, let alone achieve ultimate victory.
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15 grudnia w Kijowie zebrał się sobór generalny metropolii kijowskiej Kościoła prawosławnego, podporządkowanej patriarchatowi Konstantynopola (patriarchatowi ekumenicznemu). Jego uczestnicy zaakceptowali nadany przez patriarchę ekumenicznego statut oraz wybrali na swojego zwierzchnika metropolitę Epifaniusza (biskupa Ukraińskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego Patriarchatu Kijowskiego), który 6 stycznia 2019 roku ma odebrać w Konstantynopolu (Stambule) tomos, nadający metropolii kijowskiej autokefalię. Powstały w ten sposób nowy Kościół będzie nosić nazwę Kościół Prawosławny Ukrainy. Tym samym rozpoczął się proces jednoczenia struktur kościelnych trzech Kościołów ukraińskiego prawosławia: Patriarchatu Kijowskiego (UPC-KP), Ukraińskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego (UAPC) oraz Ukraińskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego, uznającego zwierzchność patriarchy Moskwy (UPC). Na razie nie wiadomo, jaka część kapłanów i wiernych tego ostatniego przejdzie do nowej metropolii kijowskiej. Przeprowadzenie soboru i wybór zwierzchnika zjednoczonego Kościoła nie są równoznaczne z końcem rozłamu w ukraińskim prawosławiu. Jest to zaledwie początek skomplikowanego procesu, który może wywołać szereg konfliktów wewnątrz Ukrainy i w stosunkach ukraińsko-rosyjskich. Kijowski sobór jest sukcesem Petra Poroszenki, który wiosną tego roku uzgodnił nadanie tomosu bezpośrednio z patriarchą ekumenicznym Bartłomiejem. Sukces ten będzie aktywnie wykorzystywany w kampanii przed wyborami prezydenckimi (31 marca 2019 roku), choć nie gwarantuje prezydentowi wejścia do drugiej tury, a tym bardziej ostatecznego zwycięstwa.
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Spotkanie papieża oraz patriarchy Moskwy i Wszechrusi, które miało miejsce 12 lutego w Hawanie, ma szczególne znaczenie religijne i polityczne. Papież Franciszek i patriarcha Cyryl podpisali wówczas oświadczenie, w którym odnieśli się m.in. do bieżących wydarzeń, głównie konfliktów na Bliskim Wschodzie i Ukrainie, jak również do kryzysu migracyjnego oraz prześladowania chrześcijan. Kontrowersje wzbudziły fragmenty dotyczące politycznej sytuacji na Ukrainie i mówiące o nadziei na zjednoczenie ukraińskich Kościołów prawosławnych, odebrane jako wsparcie Kościoła katolickiego dla polityki prowadzonej tam przez Rosję. Oświadczenie powinno być wykorzystane przez Stolicę Apostolską do działań ułatwiających funkcjonowanie Kościoła katolickiego w Rosji, na Krymie oraz w Donbasie.
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Novinari lista Danas nisu mogli dobiti zvaničnu potvrdu od episkopabačkog Irineja, portparola SPC i stalnog člana sinoda, da li su članovi Sinoda SPC i patrijarh testirani na kovid 19, nakon što je episkop kruševački, jedan od članova tog crkvenog tela, smešten u bolnicu zbog sumnje da je zaražen. Episkop Irinej smatra da bi javno iznošenje takvih informacija predstavljalo narušavanje zakonom zaštićenih podataka o ličnosti, ali i ljudskog dostojanstva članova sinoda. Građanska prava se potežu kada treba zaštiti crkvenu vlast, ali se glas nikada ne podiže u slučajevima kršenja prava ostalih građana u Srbiji.
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Svetlana Slapšak, naučnica, antropološkinja i doktorica antičkih studija, autorica je brojnih radova iz područja antropologije, lingvistike, klasičnih studija, rodnih studija, balkanologije i komparativnih studija. Napisala je i uredila više od 70 knjiga izbornika i oko 400 naučnih studija.
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The paper aims to describe phenomena of modernization in Moldavian Csango villages in the context of religiosity. It interprets the most significant shifts in the life forms and traditional religiosity, the change of central values, tendencies of secularization and the emergence of sectarianism. The author argues that the religious experience gradually evades community and (Church) legitimation, so that the ever-larger individualization of religious experiences and conceptualization leads to the pluralization of worldviews. The impersonalization of social control, the changing norms that affect everyday life, the role change of religious values, the individualization of communities, basically the transforming forces of modernization on society disable the catholic church to fully integrate the Csango village population, who in rising numbers attend new teachings that offer an updated worldview, as well as a brand new set of community/religious norms. The author argues, that sectarianism/sectarianization is a part of modernizational strategies, and that as a consequence of transnational life forms, sects have become part of social mobility.
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Reisu-l-ulema Islamske zajednice (IZ) u BiH Husein ef. Kavazovića se uobičavao pismima obratiti institucijama i osobama na vlasti povodima koji nisu čisto vjerske prirode. On je 2011. pisao visokom predstavniku Valentin Inzku tražeći da se zaustavi govor mržnje Rajka Vasića i da se razjasni da li je BiH „kršćanska zemlja“. Generalnom sekretaru UN Ban Ki-moonu je pisao 2013. pozivajući ga da u svom mandatu spriječi nastavak politika revidiranja činjenica o zločinu, ponižavanje žrtava i manipuliranje žrtvama genocida u Srebrenici. Predsjednici Republike Hrvatske je pisao 2017. tražeći da se prestane sa zlonamjernom kampanjom kojom se diskredituju Bošnjaci i sije strah od njihovog prisustva u Evropi. Članovima Predsjedništva BiH i predsjedavajućem Vijeća ministara BiH je pisao 2019. apelujući da državne institucije zaustave zlonamjernu kampanju pritisaka i napada na povratnike i IZ u Republici Srpskoj. Ambasadorima više zemalja je pisao 2020. godine upozoravajući na iskustvo Bošnjaka muslimana sa zločinima i progonima. Iste godine im je uputio pismo zbog napada na muslimane u Crnoj Gori i ispred naroda kojem pripada je pisao predsjedniku Svjetskog jevrejskog kongresa Ronaldu S. Lauderu i predsjedniku Jevrejske zajednice u BiH Jakobu Finciju kako bi podsjetio na žrtve holokausta i genocida. Vlastima u Sarajevu je pisao 2022. sa zahtjevom da preuzmu odgovornost za javni moral i red u glavnom gradu jer dijeli „zabrinutost velikog broja vjernika zbog sve češćeg otvaranja javnog prostora za neukusne i nemoralne sadržaje i šutnje državnih zvaničnika, akademske zajednice i medija, dok se istovremeno javnost postepeno priprema za problematiziranje zvuka ezana u javnom prostoru“. Iste godine je uputio pismo visokom predstavniku Christianu Scmidtu, UN-u, ambasadorima SAD, Velike Britanije, Njemačke i Nizozemske u BiH, predsjednici bosanskohercegovačkog entiteta RS Željki Cvijanović, potpredsjedniku RS Ramizu Salkiću i predsjedniku Suda Bosne i Hercegovine Ranku Debevecu pozivajući ih da podrže njegovu inicijativu da se stratišta žrtava genocida obilježe kao mjesto stradanja i da se spriječe vođe lokalnih zajednica da unište vlastitu krvavu historiju. Pisma su, dakle, uobičajena i uhodana forma komunikacije reisa, institucija, funkcionera i javnosti.
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Konferencija “Uloga religije u društvima Zapadnog Balkana” je regionalna konferencija koju su organizovali Institut za demokratiju i medijaciju (IDM) iz Albanije, Centar za društvena istraživanja “Analitika” iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Beogradska otvorena škola iz Srbije i Institut za društvene i humanističke nauke Skoplje (ISSHS) iz Republike Sjeverne Makedonije. Cilj konferencije je istražiti izazove i mogućnosti kada je u pitanju uloga religije u društvima Zapadnog Balkana, te doprinijeti jačanju društvenih mehanizama i politika kako bi se na što bolji način odgovorilo budućim izazovima u ovom domenu. Pored toga, konferencija je pružila priliku da se prezentiraju rezultati istraživanja koje je provedeno u zemljama Zapadnog Balkana, a koje se bavilo ulogom religije u društvu. Konferencija je okupila lidere vjerskih zajednica, predstavnike akademske zajednice i medija, vladine zvaničnike i predstavnike civilnog društva sa Zapadnog Balkana, ali i otvorila i širu raspravu među njima o potencijalu za jačanje uloge religije u ovim društvima. U svjetlu općih izazova s kojima se suočavaju zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, kao što su nizak ekonomski razvoj, spora tranzicija i problemi sa vladavinom prava, učesnici su poseban naglasak stavili na implikacije i doprinos religije ovim pitanjima. Konferencija je organizovana uz velikodušnu podršku Ministarstva vanjskih poslova Holandije i uz učešće predsjednika Republike Albanije, Njegove ekselencije gospodina Ilira Mete.
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In Israel as in other countries, when the COVID-19 epidemic surfaced it exacerbated the existing divisions and tensions in society. A group that came under severe attack from the public was the Jewish Ultraorthodox population (the Haredi). This was due to disregard on the part of certain ultra orthodoxgroups of the restrictions imposed in response to the epidemic and an exceptionally high infection rate in that community – as much as 70% of cases recorded from February until May this year affected members of that community.
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Qëndresa dhe luftërat antiturke të prijësit të epirotëve (simbas Barletit) ose arbërve (simbas jetëshkruesish të tjerë), Gjergj Kastriotit, u përftuan e u organizuan në një mjedis me historinë e vet dhe specifikat e veta faktike edhe për ç’i përket anës kishtare dhe, njëherësh për atë kohë, politike. Për kohën kur ai jetoi, veproi e luftoi krishterimi përfaqësonte një besim i cili kishte dinamikën e vet: përpiqej të përhapej, të projektohej, të fitonte terren, si dhe njëkohësisht të mbrohej duke ruajtur “domenet”.
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Although Ernesto Cozzi is a little-known figure today, he was, at the time of his death in 1926, a person of national significance in Albania, the most important and most authoritative figure in the Catholic Church. He was the man who had planned and supervised the reform and recovery of the Church during the previous six years, after the severe disruptions of the First World War.
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