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The essay questions the recent wave of authors claiming that Foucault became ‘seduced’ by neoliberal thought and ended up endorsing it. It does so by a thorough examination of two books that makes the claim, but with radically different explanations for the fact that Foucault engaged himself with neoliberalism. By analyzing the textual ‘evidence’ of the proponents of the ‘seduction theses’ the essay shows that its premises are rather flawed. Firstly, the lack of normative denunciations in Foucault’s writing on neoliberalism cannot be taken as an endorsement, but as integral to a specific way of conducting ‘non-normative critique (Hansen 2016). Secondly, Foucault’s supposedly anti-statist position is questionable when one reads his lectures carefully. In fact, Foucault’s explicitly distanced himself an “inflationary” critique of the state, identifiable on the extreme left as well as in neoliberal thought.
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This article discusses the concept of “biopower” in the light of Michel Foucault’s courses at the Collège de France, especially his lectures between 1978 and 1980. After having offered a definition of “biopower” and “biopolitics”, I will discuss in more details Foucault’s reading of the great book of the French protodemography Recherches et Considérations sur la population de la France [Researches and Considerations on the Population of France] by Jean-Baptiste Moheau. I will try then to answer the question: Why has Foucault defined this book being “the first great text of biopolitics”? My answer points out that in Moheau the government of the human life is not restricted to a technique of intervention in the vital human milieu; it rather formulates explicitly the principles of a “government of morals” – one that addresses particularly the human reproduction. As a result, it is getting clear that the “biopolitical governmentalization of life” must have already been a response of another project of mastering one’s own body and one’s own descendance – a project that was visible namely by the extension of the contraceptive techniques in the popular milieus in France, starting in the middle of the 18th century. To sum up, my thesis has not been designed as a discussion of the Foucauldian thesis; it is rather an extension of his theorizing on biopower, and it has been made possible namely through the lectures Foucault had done at the Collège de France.
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The article presents the distinction between the functions of the National Assembly – „political” and „constitutional”. The constitutional parliamentary functions are divided into three groups - legislative, constitutive and control. Each function is analyzed by virtue of specific powers of the National Assembly. Elements of the rationalization of parliamentarism in recent times in Europe are also found in the Constitutionof the Republic of Bulgaria. On the one hand, the powers of the political institution have been enriched, with the possibility of parliamentary oversight of the authorities activity, which the National Assembly forms in whole or in part. On the other hand, within the parliamentary control function, the Constitution establishes a clear boundary between the parliamentary control over the executive power and the possibilities for seeking collective political responsibility.
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One should expect the reflection about the interplay of social and linguistic changes to touch upon quite fundamental questions. Still, if we do not want to bet blindly on the chances of the paralogic known from old pioneers- accounts and from detective stories, where false hypotheses lead to true discoveries, we should keep in mind how insidious any kind of not avowed "evidence" may be.
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If he lived in a state constituted according to Descartes' principles; in a state established by Cartesisus himself, illuminated by natural light; or at least in a state established by a ruler enlightened by Cartesisus' reasonable, clear and distinct, completely certain insights, that is, by the distinct truths about the best state of them all; the "subject" of this state would, in fact, live - more precisely, he would have to conduct himself in his "worldly action" (of course, i f he wants to be "good" subject of that state) - exclusively according to Descartes' "provisional moral code" (which is concurrently, as we shall try to suggest, his theory of state and law).
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The article examines the basic principles of John Rawls’ theory, which not only explores the problems of justice, freedom, and equality, but also attempts to revise liberal teachings in following the work of such prominent representatives of socio-philosophical thought as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The article presents John Rawls’ views on a number of key concepts of liberal theory, such as “natural state”, “civil society”, “negative and positive liberty”, “political society”. It is underlined that Rawls examines justice not only as a theoretical concept but also in the context of the activities of major public institutions. The concept of practical reason, which is fundamental to the acceptance of the principles of justice as a basis of public interaction, is analyzed.
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The article is focused on the postmodern paradigm and its uses in research on European international relations. It shows how postmodernism is understood in philosophy and how it can be adopted by political science methodology. Although, All aspects – positive and negative – as each paradigm postmodernizm can’t be used to every kind of analysis. As a result of European philosophy and based on the European background, the postmodern paradigm seems to be the most suitable for European state research. That’s why the suggestion included in the text is described in the context of this kind of issue.
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In the article the author deals with the development of the right’s organisation in Gospić and analyses the social and ideological differences amongst its followers, which according to his judgement caused permanent conflicts within this organisation. The author observed two rights’ groups in Gospić in the period from 1895 to 1914: one which gathered together members of Gospić’s higher social class and where high ranking merchants on the property ladder were dominant, and the other, which in relation to the first group gathered together the lower social class and where alongside merchants of a lower income the clergy of Gospić’s surroundings participated to a greater extent. Although both groups are considered as having members of the Party of Rights, the author notes the social differences amongst them as well as the great ideological differences, which were particularly visible in the national section of the Party of Rights agenda. The first, more affluent rights’ group, in which Marko Došen and Lovre Pavelića nd his sons stand out, placed the constitutional part of the rights’ agenda in first place, and aspired to the realisation of Croatian state independence in collaboration with the Croatian Orthodox population, recognising, in turn, the population of Serbian national character. The second group, in which Ivan Bušljeta, Dragutin Smojver and the priest Stipe Vučetić standout, placed the national part of the Party of Rights’ agenda in first place, in accordance which it negated the Serbian national character to the Croatian Orthodox population, and it avoided any kind of contact with the political representatives of that population, due to which they were forced to give it national concessions in Croatia. The conflict between these two groups in Gospić culminated in 1908, when on a national level there came the split of Starčević’s CroatianParty of Rights, within which both Gospić’s Party of Rights groups had operated to that time.The author noted a calming of this conflict in the years leading up to the First World War and considers whether amongst other things it happened because of the fact that in that time Pavelić-Došen’s group also assessed that its policy of a Croatian-Serbian accord had failed.
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At its best education is dangerous because it offers young people and other actors the promise of racial and economic justice, a future in which democracy becomes inclusive and a dream in which all lives matter. In a healthy society universities should be subversive; they should go against the grain, and give voice to the voiceless, the unmentionable and the whispers of truth that haunt the apostles of unchecked power and wealth. Pedagogy should be disruptive and unsettling and push hard against the common sense vocabularies of neoliberalism and its regime of affective management.
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The present study describes the life of a Hungarian-German community in the south of Hungary. The Germans came to the village of Großnaarad from the Fulda area in the 18th century, because during the Turkish rule the village lost its population and the German colonists had to start anew here. The inhabitants have been engaged in agriculture and handicrafts for several centuries. Nowadays the village is struggling with the emigration of young people to the cities but wants to continue to preserve its valuable traditions and its Hungarian-German identity.
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This paper presents the key moments in the develpment of socialist Yugoslavia, including its disingegration, that is post-socialist transition or the period when the etno-nationalist elites took over ruling power and broke apart not only Yugoslavia but socialist system that created it. The politics of socialist Yugoslavia itself oscilated between: authoritative one-party politics and democratic tendencies expressed through self-management politics; state unitarism and national separatism; priciples of equality and liberty; international socialist cosmopolitanism and antiimperial national self-determination; bolshevik exlusiveness and restrictivity and socialdemocratic openess; politics of the West and the East... It was depending on historical context that one tendency was dominant over the other. But in any case, the politics of socialist Yugoslavia was directed towards finding its own path of development of the state and socialist society, which—regardless of its internal controversies— managed to create a new political community at the same time maintain the exhisting one. In the context of development of DFJ (Democratic Federal Yugoslavia), but also FNRJ (Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia), and then SFRJ (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very important role. Bosnia and Herzegovina was constituted through the decisions of ZAVNOBiH (the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) presented on its founding meeting on November 25, 1943 in Mrkonjić Grad and recognized as one of the Republics within State Federation of Yugoslavia that same year on the Second Session of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) which took place on November 29 in Jajce. The author focuses on the significance of anti-fascism, which recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina and was based on the notion that this republic acts as a bridge that connects South Slavic community in political and symbolic sense.
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This article explores how modern leadership theories revolving around the distinction between “soft” and “hard” power are prefigured in medieval Islamic political writing. In particular, it advances a new interpretation of Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā’s al-Fakhrī (On the Systems of Government and Muslim Dynasties, 701/1302), focusing on the Arab historian’s narrative about the factors that resulted in the decline of the ‘Abbasid Empire and the rise of the Mongols as a world power. It also discusses Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā’s ideas on good government, drawing links to other major Muslim political theorists and historians, notably Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ and Ibn Khaldūn. Finally, this study examines Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā’s views on successful and failed leadership in a cross-cultural context through comparison with Niccolò Machiavelli’s Prince.
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The paper offers a historical overview of the development of the study of Croatian politics at the Faculty of Political Science. The pre-democratic period was marked by relatively unfavorable conditions for the study of national politics, due both to the dominant conception of the curriculum that denied the independence of political science, as well as the political and social context. Yet, already in the 1960s and 1970s, first studies dealing with voter behavior and the functioning of representative bodies were conducted. The multiple transition in late 1980s and early 1990s introduced new topics and led to the emancipation of national political science. After 2000, the study of Croatian politics experienced new diversity in method and scope. Recently, there has been a significant increase in papers published in top international journals, leading to greater visibility and internationalization of the study of Croatian politics, but also of Croatian political science in general.
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This article examines DAESH's ideology, a key factor that has supported and facilitated the group’s actions for militant recruitment, territorial control, and global expansion. I will present the current state of knowledge and risk assessment, then, by using a theoretical framework rooted in constructivism and military realism, I will synthesize more recent and complex ideas related to this group through interpretations of current knowledge developments. I aim to examine the propaganda presented by DAESH and highlight in a proper, clear form the distinction between Islam and the fundamentalist ideology promoted by the terrorist group. The aim is to show that through a captivating discourse, extremist, radical entities have the ability to attract militants, and that the need remains to combat the ideas promoted by them so that recruitment through religiously based ideology by maximizing the ignorance of the target audience can no longer be feasible avenue to expand their based of supporters, or at least to be diminished so as not to be easily accomplished. The research aims to contribute to the literature by presenting the mechanisms used by DAESH, as well as presenting some strategies that can be applied by the authorities regarding the prevention of radicalization. Among the main elements identified by this study are: DAESH used a truncated message of the Qur'an to legitimize its actions, used emotionally impactful images to attract foreign Muslims to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq, and presented in a graphic and exaggerated manner their successes in the field to attract young combatants. The study has relevant implications and contributes to efforts to combat the actions of extremist-terrorist groups that claim their legitimacy from Islam.
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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi or the Mahatma could be considered one of the most important and well-known personalities of the 20th century. During his life he was apostrophized as “the Apostle of Nonviolence” and even nowadays we look at him as a symbol of peace. Reading up on his more than 50.000-page spiritual heritage, we will find that one of the core concepts, central categories of his thinking is ahimsa, which could be translated as non-violence, a concept in a very close relation with the expression of peace. Satyagraha, another important category of the Gandhian thinking and at the same time a method of acting is in fact the way which leads to a peaceful resistance, which – in the Gandhian perspective – could be a real alternative in order to obtain a given goal or cause by violence, aggression or bloodshed. In my paper I will try to summarize the importance and the relevance of the two letters written by the Mahatma and addressed to the leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, Adolf Hitler. The starting point will be the analysis of these two letters, the first one written in July 23, 1939 and the second one in December 24, 1940. Even though we know that the first letter never came to Hitler because of the simple fact that it was intercepted by the British authorities, and the second one wasn’t answered by the addressee, I think that this two documents are the most important testimonies of his unquestionable faith in its theory and method.
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: This article is dedicated to the memory of Professor Andrzej Walicki,who died in August 2020 – an outstanding Polish historian of ideas and Russian scholar. It is an attempt to summarize the enormous scientific achievements of a representative of the Warsaw school of the history of ideas. Hisscientific activity has gained wide recognition in the West, being an prominent Polish contribution to world Russian studies. The subject of the scientist’s research were Russia, Poland and Marxism. Andrzej Walicki explained toa wide audience in the West, Poland and Russia issues related to the formationof Russian ideas and philosophy, the development of various ideologies inRussia: imperialism, Marxism, liberalism, or the shaping of the platform andthe main problematic network of intellectual relations between Poland andRussia. He also researched Polish thought in response to the Russian question,and tried to participate in debates on Polish-Russian relations after the fall ofcommunism and the collapse of the USSR. He devoted much attention tothe reception of Marxism in Russia – to what extent it was an ideological import from the West, and to what extent it was based on the native ideologicaland religious tradition. In the context of Russia’s strong utopian predispositions, Andrzej Walicki showed Marxism as a utopia that transformed Russiainto its tragic testing ground and whose goals turned out to be unattainable.As a result, his led to the collapse of the moral legitimacy of the communistsystem and became the fundamental premise for the disintegration of theSoviet empire
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The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the historical meaning of the programmatic documents that laid the foundation for the creation of the People's Front of Estonia. The focus of the analysis is two documents published on April 30, 1988 in the newspaper Edasi under the joint title "Citizens' initiative in support of the reform course": the People's Front Declaration and the People's Front Project. The broader request of the article is to specify the role of the People's Front in the development of the policies that led to the restoration of the independence of the Republic of Estonia.
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