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Politička teorija Isaiaha Berlina
Isaiah Berlin nikada nije pokušao izložiti svoju misao kao sustavnu teoriju. Galipeau je ustvrdio kako Berlin nije sustavni mislilac, dok je Michael Walzer upozorio kako sustav jednostavno nije Berlinov stil (Galipeau, 1994, 165). Dva su razloga zbog kojih Berlin nije sebi zadao da sustavno izloži i poveže svoje glavne argumente. Prvo, kao autor bio je zaokupljen različitim temama – poviješću političkih ideja, pitanjem slobodne volje i determinizma, problemom političke slobode, temom nacionalnog i kulturnog identiteta, odnosom prosvjetiteljstva i romantizma, te vrijednosnim pluralizmom – za koje nije smatrao da ih je nužno podvesti pod zajednički nazivnik. S druge strane, nije bio sklon sveobuhvatnim teorijama koje žele objasniti sveukupnu povijest čovječanstva i sve društvene odnose. Za Berlina, takve teorije neizbježno simplificiraju kompleksnost ljudskih motiva i djelovanja, najčešće do te mjere da gube sposobnost valjano ih objasniti. To objašnjava i zašto je Berlin odabrao esej kao idealnu formu prezentiranja vlastitih ideja te stoga nije, osim rane studije o Marxu, nikada napisao knjigu.
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Książka zawiera eseje napisane w latach 2010–2014. Dotyczą one zajmowania się historią półwiecza od lat trzydziestych do osiemdziesiątych XX wieku przez uczestników życia publicznego w kilku państwach w Europie w okresie ich stowarzyszenia i akcesji do UE. Głównym motywem wydania ich razem było porównanie polityki wobec pamięci współczesnej Ukrainy oraz Litwy, Łotwy, Estonii (rozdział 3), Hiszpanii (5) i Chorwacji (6). Podobnie jak Ukraina, kraje te doświadczyły totalitaryzmu, wojeni/lub okupacji, a następnie, w ostatnim ćwierćwieczu XX wieku, stanęły wobec uczestnictwa w projekcie europejskim. W tej sytuacji odczuwały przeszłość zarówno jako źródło dumy, jaki brzemię, poszukiwały w niej z jednej strony symboli przydatnychdo zmagań w przyszłości, z drugiej zaś – uwolnienia od poczuciawiny. Państwa te jednocześnie budowały (lub odnawiały)swoją państwowość, wprowadzały demokrację parlamentarnąoraz podejmowały reformy gospodarczo-społeczne z zamiarem ugruntowania przemian po wejściu do UE. Pokonując trudnościi rozwiązując konflikty, ostatecznie wypracowały strategie prorozwojowe. Istotną rolę w przemianach, które stały się ich udziałem, odegrała determinacja dotychczasowych członków UE, aby przyjąć je do swego grona.
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What are we referring to when we speak about the history of Romanian ethnology or anthropology? It seems easy, even obvious, but the very field(s) of what we are referring to by these academic labels do not just exist “out there” waiting to be approached and understood. As a matter of fact, „ethnology” was a term used only incidentally in Romanian professional jargon before 1990, whereas the term „anthropology” found use alone in the field of physical anthropology. What is more: beyond the institutional borders (which took time to emerge and achieve legitimacy), one might question where the limits of „ethnological thinking” lie in the broad context of the social thinking of early modern times, where the involved elites shared an interest in „the being of the people” and most approaches were conceived as „national sciences”? Contrary to what one might think, there is not an easy and ready-made answer to this question. Let us then ask what we should refer to when we speak about the history of Romanian ethnology? We might begin with the classical couple of folklore studies and ethnography, which both have a long and rich tradition in Romanian modern culture. The next step would be to link them in a mutually comprehensive approach, despite the general practice of presenting them independently in specifi c histories. In doing so, we could adopt the recommendation of an international conference of European “folk ethnographers” held in 1955 in Arnhem to use the general term of “national ethnology” when referring to all kinds of scholars of “folk culture” within a national realm (see Tamás, 1968). But to frame the question in this fashion would be misleading to some extent. Folk studies and ethnography transcend the “academic” realm in their claim to have the last word on “the being of the people”, as Pârvan explicitly states when defi ning ethnography. Folkloric species and categories, as defi ned by the different schools and approaches, have as their only common point “their documentary value, all the goods of the fi eld [of folk studies, n.n.] being documents of popular mentality” (Bîrlea, 1969:7). Thus, the two disciplines share, in fact, their object of interest; but in doing so, they also share it with many other disciplines and approaches. Indeed, “the being of the people” is a general concern of the national elites during this entire period, most of them contributing in a more or less specialized way to its investigation. [...]
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A collection of articles discussing the place and role of public policy sciences in Poland, that is systemic measures of the state intended to solve specific public problems. Interdisciplinary studies with sociological and political approach are focused on the theoretical and methodological perspectives of this field and directions of its development to date.
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Published between 1930 and 1934 as No 6 of the series "Политическа библиотека". It presents a biography of Mihail Takev (1864-1920), a Bulgarian major and politician, one of the leaders of the Democratic Party in Bulgaria.
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Moralna i politička vrednota tolerancije je središnja sastavnica liberalno demokratske političke kulture. Štoviše, stupanj zastupljenost tolerantnih praksi u javnome životu pouzdani je pokazatelj liberalne i demokratske zrelosti modernih pluralnih društava. Vrlina tolerancije ima različita teorijska utemeljenja i opravdanja. Značenja pojma tolerancije kreću se u širokom luku od pukog modus vivendi u održavanju zajedničkog životu, pa do raznovrsnih i složenih oblika priznanja vrijednosnih posebnosti društvenih skupina i pojedinaca. Jednako tako i tolerantne prakse, ovisno o različitim povijesnim i socijalnim konteksti¬ma te poljima djelovanja poprimaju različite oblike. Na toleranciju se danas pozivamo u privatnim, socijalnim i političkim odnosima.
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A cross section of the most important philosophical and intellectual trends from the 17th to the 20th century. Among others, the author puts together the thought of J.-B. Bossuet and the views of Voltaire, confronts the reflections of B. Pascal and Helvétius, presents the key elements of the positivist vision of A. Comte, the concepts of M. Bakunin and K. Marx. He is concerned with key 19th-century categories of political thought, such as progress or political durability.
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The book attempts to analyze the influence of the Parisian "Culture" magazine's (in Polish: Kultura) concepts on the Polish eastern policy from 1989 to 2014. "Kultura" was established in 1946 in Rome and soon after moved to Maisons-Laffitte, a small town in the suburbs of Paris. This magazine became the most influential Polish independent "think-tank" during the cold war era. This small group of intellectuals in exile, led by Jerzy Giedroyc, the editor-in-chief of the magazine, created a strategy - so-called "The Giedroyc Doctrine" - that later became a road map for all the successive Polish governments after the fall of communism in 1989. The "Giedroyc Doctrine" can be summarized in four crucial points: I ) supporting the independence and democratization of Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus (ULB) and preserving post-war border lines in Europe; 2) counteracting soviet/Russian imperialism, ceasing Polish-Russian rivalry for ULB territories and creating good relations with Russian liberal/democratic parties and civic movements; 3) consolidating and rebuilding of good relations with Germany; 4) integrating Poland with political, economic and military organizations of the Euro-Atlantic world. It should be underlined that Russia has been the central point of reference for the whole idea. Recognition of the above points should neutralize the threat from Russian imperialism and build a solid foundation for Poland's future security. Analyzing the eastern policy of successive Polish governments in terms of continuing or departing from the concept of "Kultura", the author refers to the above-mentioned key postulates. The research results presented in the book prove that at the given time, all subsequent Polish governments took into account and accepted the "Giedroyc doctrine". Moreover, it should be stated that throughout the first twenty-five years of the Third Republic of Poland, its foreign policy was characterized by a high degree of continuity and attachment to the idea of the Parisian "Kultura". And this policy was the subject of cross-partisan consensus. On the other hand, at the detailed (tactical) level - going beyond the general concept of foreign policy - there were certain misunderstandings of Giedroyc's doctrine
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This study aimed to investigate the progress of women's empowerment through employment opportunities in Nairobi and Kakamega Counties in Kenya between 2013 and 2017. Despite the increasing policies that aim to mainstream social equity and equality, there is still a significant gap between policy commitments and practices. The study evaluated whether the implementation of devolved governance in the two counties has improved women's empowerment. The study's framework included an in-depth review of policy documents, official records, and reports from official websites to understand women's economic empowerment status in Nairobi and Kakamega. The study analyzed qualitative and quantitative data from County Integrated Development Plans and other secondary sources. Specifically, it examined compliance with the 30% gender rule, requiring women to hold at least 30% of all elective and appointive positions. The study found that Nairobi commands the largest share of formal sector wage employment in Kenya, and women's access to employment opportunities remains slightly lower than men in both counties. Despite implementing the 30% gender rule, the study revealed the need for more comprehensive policies that promote gender equality and women's economic empowerment in both Nairobi and Kakamega.
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The term soft power has become a catch-all-phrase for public and cultural diplomacy since Joseph Nye introduced it in 1990. India has had several historical and cultural advantages regarding its influence in foreign countries. While India and Indians enjoyed goodwill in most countries, the sudden interests in India among the policymakers, businesses, and politicians were mainly after the 1992 economic liberalization that had opened the Indian markets to foreign investments. Besides the nation-branding exercises globally, New Delhi employed soft power instruments in countries it deemed to have more significant interests, from traditional allies like Bhutan and Afghanistan to the countries in the West in the last three decades. Nevertheless, how successful has India been in exploiting its cultural linkages and using its soft power in its branding? This question becomes pertinent as, in recent years, India has often received negative press coverage in international media, and on several freedom/democratic indices, its rankings have gone down. As India celebrates 75 years of independence as Azadi ka Mahotsav (a grand celebration of independence), this paper assesses the scope of its soft power as a foreign policy instrument, points out its shortcomings, and recommends the possibilities.
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In this work, we have studied the evolution of the Ukrainian refugee crisis in Europe during the first several months after the beginning of the armed conflict on 24 February 2022. We have also talked about the influx of Ukrainians into Bulgaria, where there has reportedly been the biggest wave of refugees in recorded history. By using official statistics and structured interviews with Ukrainian refugees in Bulgaria, we have analyzed the specific evolution of the immigrants, their profile, and the governmental policies for better integration of them into the labor market and within the society. Our key arguments are mainly related to the fact that such policies must be successful for most Ukrainian immigrants and refugees due to the similarities between Ukraine and Bulgaria regarding traditions, education, and historical ties. Our conclusion confirms these arguments but also mentions several problems related to the low wages, the limited childcare, and the heavy bureaucracy.
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The Open Balkan is the latest regional initiative in the Western Balkans (WB), firstly named as Mini-Schengen and then changed to Open Balkan Initiative (OBI), which aims to increase the regional economic cooperation among the WBs by going beyond the mere objective of creating a Common Regional Market (CRM). This paper using an analytical approach, taking into account data and information, has identified and highlighted the openly declared objectives of the OBI while comparing it with the previous Berlin Process. Also, the paper has shown that the disputes among the WB countries most inherited from the unresolved issues of the past are still present and hinder the progress towards a common future and EU membership perspective. The reactions to the OBI proved that even the creation of mere economic cooperation is hardly achieved in the case of other existing unresolved issues of the past and continues to remain open. This paper has highlighted the existence of mistrust among the WBs, the importance of increasing regional cooperation, and the role that the EU should inevitably play. The paper has concluded that to achieve the targets defined in the OBI, the WBs should enhance regional cooperation and overcome the challenges they have been facing.
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The article examined the impact of the decommunization policy in Ukraine on national identity formation. The objectives of the article were to determine the main reasons and consequences of decommunization in Ukraine. A historical approach to determine the causes of decommunization and justify its necessity is applied in the article. Sociological studies and expert opinions on decommunization are analyzed. Based on synthesis, analogy, and abstraction methods, the elaborated material is summarised, and the article’s conclusions are formulated. As a result, the conclusion has been drawn that decommunization could not contribute to the formation of national identity in Ukraine. The outcomes of decommunization had a positive effect only in combination with other efforts (educational process, dialogue with society, language policy). However, given Ukraine’s regional characteristics, it took time to unite the population around a shared historical memory, common symbols, and traditions. The policy of decommunization primarily contributed to the strengthening of regional identity. Moreover, improving the material well-being of Ukrainians and creating favorable conditions for living and working in Ukraine will unite the residents of all regions of Ukraine. These actions will significantly enhance the effect of decommunization in forming national identity.
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The third decade of the 21st century has witnessed more tensions, instabilities, and new alliances in the Indo-Pacific/Asia-Pacific region due to intensifying rivalry and strategic competition between the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), two grand strategies of the US and China respectively. This article aims to assess the Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) and comprehend Biden’s IPS, particularly exploring how the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) may impact China’s BRI. This paper argues that RBIO is debatable and not universal. It is also argued that while the IPEF unveiled by President Biden represents a strategically important step forward, a long-term US genuine commitment to its implementation to counter China’s BRI is essential. The methodology of this research is primarily based on secondary literature and official documents. This study concludes that although China is reluctant to pay too much attention to the US IPEF in its official statements, China is concerned about this economic initiative. The paper also concludes that because of the intense US-China rivalry, new alliances will emerge in the region leading to a new cold war or new world order.
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This study uses the theory of collective memory in international politics to examine the connection between collective memory and foreign policy to investigate why the Belt and Road Initiative has witnessed slow progress in Thailand. Qualitative data were gathered from various sources, including books, newspapers, journals, policy documents, and textbooks. The study concludes that cooperation between states is essential for achieving shared objectives but is contingent upon establishing mutual trust. Collective memories that one country maintains concerning another country can influence mutual understanding and trust, becoming ingrained even if the situation responsible for the memories changes or no longer exists. In the case of Thailand and China, the Thai government’s push for the high-speed rail project faced criticism and concerns due to the public’s deep-seated fears and distrust of China, the result of historical events and past experiences. This paper’s findings highlight the state’s role in creating collective memory and otherness, recognizing that external variables such as major power activities play a significant role.
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Community development is vital in networking and creating social capital. Local governments in Kosovo cooperate closely with their communities by offering public and social services, inclusivity, and social integration. This cooperation increases active citizenship, community development, social welfare, and local democracy. This paper aims to research and analyze the relationship between local governments and their communities, focusing on providing social services. The applied methodology included a quantitative survey of 300 respondents from three municipalities: Pristina, Fushe Kosove, and Obilic, targeting citizens aged 18 and above of both genders. The results show that local authorities in these municipalities offer community services and include their communities in policy-making and decision-making. While they also offer social services, community-based services should be restructured, and local authorities should pay more attention to empowering the community more comprehensively.
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This article aimed to provide a quantitative assessment of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Armenia’s foreign trade. The research problem was to analyze how the conflict influenced Armenia’s export and import patterns regarding geographical directions and product structure. The objectives were to examine the changes in trade turnover and identify shifts in geographical trade directions and trade structure. The study employed various statistical analysis tools, including dynamic series indicators, structural analysis, time series modeling, trend and moving average approximation, and extrapolation. Through these methods, the study evaluated the effects of the conflict on Armenia’s foreign trade. The key results indicated a positive impact of the conflict on trade turnover, with increased trade activity in various geographical directions. Export diversification was also observed as a result of the conflict. Notably, re-export played a significant role in the unprecedented growth of Armenia’s trade turnover during this period. In conclusion, the findings suggest that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict had a discernible influence on Armenia’s foreign trade, leading to changes in trade patterns and increased trade activity. The study highlights the importance of the re-exports role in analyzing trade dynamics.
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The research conducted in this article is a substantiation of the method for strategic management of the development of the Ukrainian border security environment. The essence of the method is to determine the phases for the current state and the projected period for particular sectors of the state border, depending on their inherent characteristics, further selecting the concept of border security on this basis, establishing the type of barriers and criteria for ensuring border security that are appropriate for use. Further application of the methodology involves conducting a SWOT analysis for particular sectors of the state border, which identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the internal environment, opportunities and threats inherent in the external environment, and the formation of possible strategies for ensuring border security in three variants of organizing activities (in the conditions of day-to-day activities, a complication of the situation and martial law). Based on the results of the analysis and the illustrative example, it can be concluded that the proposed method for strategic management of the development of Ukraine’s border security environment is one of the possible effective mechanisms in the activities of the subjects ensuring Ukraine’s border security.
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The first complete Czech translation of one of the most important texts exploring the philosophy of Confucianism. The book Mencius, together with Confucius' Analects, the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, constitute the Four Books, for many centuries a syllabus for Chinese civil service examinations. The book contains dialogues by the Master Meng or Mencius (372-289 BC) with various persons, including his disciples and rulers of the Warring States period. As a “wandering scholar”, Mencius tried to persuade them to choose the Way of ancient sage-kings in accordance with Confucian principles of humanity and righteousness. Mencius deals with various topics, including just government, proper governance, and human nature, but also comments on a few non-Confucian teachings, which he tries to eradicate with forceful arguments. The translation from Classical Chinese is accompanied by a brief introduction, bibliography and notes, which make it easier for readers who are not Sinologists to find their way into the text.
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