INOVATIVNOST MONTESKJEOVOG ODREĐENJA DESPOTIJE

Author(s): Aleksandar Molnar / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2015

Nowhere in his work Montesquieu did give a precise definition of despotism as one of three types of government. However, a number of places where Montesquieu wrote about despotism reveal a fairly consistent model based on five key principles: 1) the supremacy of only one (ruling) political force; 2) equality of subjects based on their nothingness; 3) simplicity of social structure (devoid of class and rank); 4) administrative distribution of only one (ruling) political force; as well as 5) metropolization as a consequence of homogenization policy of one (ruling) political force.

Twilight of the Proletariat : Reading Critical Balkanology as Liberal Ideology

Author(s): Catherine Baker,Nataša Kovačević,Dragan Kujundžić,Rade Zinaić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Four articles on Balkanology

LİBERALİZME KÜLTÜREL FARKINDALIK AÇISINDAN ELEŞTİREL BİR BAKIŞ

Author(s): Aybike CAN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2020

In this study, the question of what are the contributions of contemporary liberalism in terms of cultural awareness is investigated. The subject of the study is examined through John Rawls’s theory of distributive justice and Will Kymlicka’s theory of multiculturalism, who are the important names of contemporary liberalism. In the study, concept analysis method, one of the qualitative research methods, is used. In the article, it was concluded that Rawls created awareness in terms of disadvantaged individuals and Kymlicka created awareness in terms of the rights of minority groups.

Szabadság és politikai részvétel a republikánus elméletben

Author(s): Szilárd János Tóth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2019

In my paper I evaluate the value of political participation within a republican theoretical framework. The key ideal within this framework is freedom understood as non-domination, and as a general rule nearly all other ideals are linked to the upholding of freedom in one way or another. Political participation is no exception. Consequently my approach is indirect: I evaluate the value of political participation through evaluating the relation between freedom and participation. The relation may be understood in either of two ways. On one understanding – the strong republican understanding – participation is seen to have intrinsic value, while on the other – the weak republican understanding – it is seen to have merely instrumental value. I do not argue that one of these understandings is philosophically true and the other false. Quite the contrary: I claim that both possess a degree of intuitive force, and that both help us grasp something relevant concerning freedom. Thus the conclusion remains somewhat open.

A diaszpóra politikai dimenziói

Author(s): Dániel Gazsó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2020

The main aim of this paper is to give a general overview of diaspora policies with an emphasis on kin-state activism in Central and Eastern Europe, especially as it relates to Hungary. The fi rst section of the paper examines why and under what circumstances diaspora policies have developed in this part of Europe; as well as whether or not diaspora policies in this region show common characteristics, and if they do, how these commonalities among different kin-states can be justified. The second section of the paper will turn to Hungarian diaspora engagement practices with special regards to the period from 2010 to our present time. I will analyze this expanding political sector at four different levels: (1) at the level of legislation; (2) at the level of decisionmaking bodies and consultative forums; (3) at the level of programs; and (4) at the level of aid policy.

Rock Beats the Wall? On Commemorative Practices in Post-Soviet Russia

Author(s): Nina Cingerová,Irina Dulebová / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2020

This paper focuses on the case analysis of the memorial to the victims of state terror – the Wall of Grief (Stena skorbi) – which was unveiled on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the November 7, 1917, coup d’état. Using this example, we have attempted to elaborate a structure for a more complex analysis of the memory of past regimes’ manifestation and to create a methodological base for their comparison. We have based our research on the discourse theory by the so-called Essex School, the social semiotics by Kress, and the procedures of the critical discourse analysis. The procedure that we have considered relevant consists of the following: (a) description of the social context in which the memorial was manifested as a piece of evidence; (b) semiotic analysis of the memorial artifact; (c) analysis of verbal practices, as well as written and spoken texts that “explained” the memorial; and (d) analysis of nonverbal practices, namely, rituals. On the basis of our case study, we have come to the conclusion that when carrying out a semiotic analysis and the analysis of verbal and nonverbal practices in the case of the Russian public discourse, it is especially relevant to pay attention not only to widening vs. narrowing of the chronological framework, generalization vs. concretization, and specification of the traumatic experience but also to the question of framing of the memorial. In regard to the semiotic analysis, the extent of indexicality is considered to be very important in the sense of the bodily connection with an element of the commemorated event that bestows “truthfulness” and authenticity on the memorial. We assume that particularly present-day Russia, where explicit attempts to reinterpret the history of the authoritarian communist state and attempts to instrumentalize the totalitarian period according to the vector of the current political direction may be seen, is a relevant object of this kind of research.

Wyjaśnianie empiryczne a wyjaśnianie interpretacyjne działań politycznych

Author(s): Andrzej Czajowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

The article arranges issues related to explaining social phenomena, primarily political activities. Three types of explanation are mentioned in the literature: a reason explanation, an interpretative explanation (humanistic, understanding) and an integral explanation combining these two. The author discusses the types of explanation, where he replaces the term “causal explanation” with the term “empirical explanation”. Then he characterizes political activities and their results as an object of explanation. In the last part, on two examples, he examines the practice of empirical and interpretive explanation. With reference to the example of interpretive explanation, he recalls abductive reasoning, i.e. inference to the best explanation. In the interpretation process, in the absence of irrefutable evidence, none of the hypotheses can be confirmed. They can only be enhanced or made more attractive. Considering the imperfections of empirical and interpretive explanation, one should strive to use them complementarily.

O niezbędności politologicznej interpretacji – subiektywność i narracyjność jako determinanty warsztatu politologa

Author(s): Artur Laska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

The author reminds us of the need to view politics both as an objective and subjective phenomenon. He postulates that her study should combine analytical-empirical approach with interpretation. In his understanding, the latter is not identical with the studied reality, but is an attempt to objectify knowledge. The instrumental and mechanistic approach to political processes is completely inadequate, because it ignores the role of emotions, intentions, intelligence, human will and awareness. Political research, however, cannot be limited to interpretation. It is equally important to take into account the structural and material determinants of politics, as well as nature and species. As a result, a conscious researcher has a difficult task to integrate the complex repertoire of methodological tools.

The Politicization of Islamic Society in Post Soviet Russia

Author(s): Emilia Alaverdov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Aim. The paper analyses the Islamic revival in Russia in the late 20th century and early 21st. This was reflected in the registration of religious communities, the publication of periodicals on Muslim literature, and, in my opinion, most importantly - the construction of mosques and madrassas. It highlights the roles of mosques and madrassas built in the North Caucasus, which later became the theological centers for the spread of Islam and educated youngsters according to their propaganda. Methods. The study mainly uses an analysis method based on the study of historicism, documents and empirical material. The basis of the source are books, scientific articles, research works conducted by Russian and foreign experts. Results. The post-Soviet wars (1994-1996 and 1999-2000) in Chechnya contributed to the politicisation and realisation of Islam in this region. In 1996-1999 there were 26 Sharia courts, numerous Islamic parties, charitable foundations and organisations in the republic and, most importantly, structures of Wahhabi organisations (Akaev, n.d.). The process of politicisation gradually turned into organisational formations in Russia in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Conclusion. The constructive transformation by reinforcing the modernist potentials of Islam has contributed to the real renewal of Russian Muslim societies, which led to the radicalisation of the whole region. The described events have shown that for the last 20 years, the revival of religious Islam was a revival of political organisations and activities, where religion is connected to politics and criminal activities. A small North Caucasian republic immediately turned up at the center of Russia's recent history.

The Role of Milovan Đilas at the Asian Socialist Conference in Rangoon, 1953

Author(s): Aleksandar V. Miletić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

In the early 1950s, in view of its specific foreign policy, Yugoslavia took the first important steps in connecting with non-European countries and building the foundations of a future policy of neutrality. These plans necessitated the engagement of people that were eminent, influential, and, most importantly, trustworthy. This study focuses on the role of Milovan Đilas, as a high-ranking government and party official within the Yugoslav party delegation at the First Meeting of the Asian Socialist Conference in Rangoon (Burma) in January of 1953

Oligarchák, patrónusok, kliensek

Author(s): György Lengyel / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 81/2020

The study offers a comprehensive survey of the nuances of sociological interpretation of the concepts of oligarchism and clientelism. It first recounts Michels’s traditional early interpretation in political science and the sociology of organizations, and the relationship of oligarchism and the elite. Moving on, it turns to Winters’s definition of oligarchism and attempts to place and evaluate it in the context of elite theory. As a side note, Higley and other germane approaches adopted by the new elite theory are revisited here, and the author touches upon the newest research findings concerning the influence of economic elites on politics and political elites on the economy. Clientelism is mainly explored through studies published by Kitschel, Wilkinson and others, as well as recent research on patron–client relations. International findings suggest that oligarchism and patron–client relations exist in characteristic forms, which may be found in both autocratic and democratic systems. The study of their creation and survival, as well as of their intended and unintentional impact on society, remains an important task for social science research.

Kant’s foedus pacificum: Path to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states?

Author(s): Terence M. Garrett / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Immanuel Kant’s language and concept of foedus pacificum (league of peace) combined with his call for a spirit of trade promised a prescription for world peace—“seeking to end all wars forever.” Nation-state level cooperation between liberal democracies has borne out Kant’s analysis to some effect. A consequence of the twin pursuits of foedus pacificum and spirit of trade has ironically resulted in the exploitation of society. Today’s international corporations adversely affect public policies ostensibly designed to protect citizens through an anti-democratic market-based ideology within the State—as seen through the lenses of Foucauldian post-structural theory and Debord’s society of the spectacle. The author proposes that globalist-corporatist control of governing apparatuses is now exposed for its authoritarian tendencies. This action could result in the ultimate destruction of the representative democratic state with the onset of neoliberalism and authoritarianism.

Versengő demokráciafelfogások, új részvételi lehetőségek? Képviselet, részvétel, deliberáció és demokratikus innovációk

Author(s): Dániel Oross / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2020

САЗНАЈНА (НЕ)УТЕМЕЉЕНОСТ НОВИХ ДРУШТВЕНИХ ПОКРЕТА

Author(s): Ivana Petković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3-4/2019

The paper is an attempt to analyze, from several quarterсs, a widespread social phenomenon, such as new social movements, which have an extensive historical background. It is the philosophical perspective of Marxist humanism, ethical perspective of Russian religious philosophy and that of contemporary Оrthodox theology, specifically focused on the key philosophical problems, trends of the last five centuries and a brief history of modern philosophy. All three try to explain this phenomenon within their own philosophy of culture and philosophy of history. The socio-historical perspective is included only on the phenomenological plane, by specifying concrete aspects and forms of manifestation of these movements in historical reality. The text does not deal with typology or individual types of the phenomenon under study, but only its common conceptual foundations. Certain categories are only occasionally mentioned as an illustration.

Douglas Murray's The Madness of Crowds

Author(s): Ligia Tomoiagă / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

Douglas Murray, the author of The Strange Death of Europe (2017), and The Madness of Crowds (2019; 'expanded and updated edition' in 2020), is one of the leading journalists and authors in Great Britain in the fight of the centre-conservative intellectuals against the 'woke' ideologues. His latest book deals with four of the most controversial issues of today's 'identity ideology': Gay, Women, Race and Trans, showing that such unstable concepts cannot be the solid ground for any serious conversation, or for the social edifice. On the contrary, they are treated in such a way that the danger of totalitarian states is no longer unconceivable; what is more, with the cancel culture of today, it is more likely than not that it will cause a serious backlash in the future, which may reverse some of the advancements of the fight for rights of all kinds. Murray, D. (2020). The Madness of Crowds: Gender, Race and Identity. Bloomsbury Continuum.

Média az új hidegháborúban. Az orosz Russia Today hírcsatorna híradóinak elemzése

Author(s): ANNA LŐRINCZ / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2021

The press has an important role to play in the system of political manipulation, as political propaganda can reach theaudience through the media. The study analyses the English-language news programmes of the Russian state-funded newschannel, Russia Today. The news channel is often accused of being a propaganda mouth of the Russian government and ofbeing biased by its editors and misrepresenting viewers with false information. From the point of view of journalistic objectivity,I am looking at the extent to which elements of political propaganda and manipulation are present on the news, the extent towhich they serve the new Cold War propaganda.

The transformation of global international society and the security agenda. Interview with Professor Barry Buzan

Author(s): Barry Buzan / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

The roots of armed conflicts: Multilevel security perspective

Author(s): Marzena Żakowska / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

The aim of this study is to indicate the roots of armed conflicts based on an analysis of a variety of theoretical approaches. The methodological framework for this research is Kenneth Waltz’s concept of analytical levels’ causes of armed conflicts: (1) the level of individual; (2) the level of the state; (3) the level of the international system. The armed conflicts are also generated by the nature of state regime and society, security dilemma mechanism, diversity between economic development, and rapidly growing population. The anarchy of the international system causes war, particularly due to the imbalance of power, power transition, challenging the hegemonic state by a rising power. The author presents a proposition of systematizing roots of armed conflicts and highlight the need for starting a discussion about developing approaches for the analysis of the roots of modern armed conflicts. The author highlights the need for starting a discussion about developing approaches for the analysis of the roots of modern armed conflicts. The starting point for discussion is introduced the concept of primary and supplementary approaches.

Rekonceptualizacja państwa w naukach o polityce jako podmiotu inherentnie środowiskowego

Author(s): Piotr Walewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2021

The article is a critical presentation of Christian Parenti’s concept of the state as an inherently environmental entity. Even though it is not a revolu¬tionary concept, it seems to enable a holistic reconceptualization of the state in po¬litical sciences confronted with the ecological crisis. It allows for a reinterpretation of classical, common definitions used in political science and other related scienc¬es – definitions which should foremost consider the entirety of mutual, nuanced relations between humanity and nonhuman nature.

Judeţul şi ţinutul. Semnificaţii şi evoluţii în istoria administrativă românească

Author(s): Teodor Carnat,Ana-Maria Ambrosă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 28/2021

Integrating both villages and towns, the longest-living territorial unit in the administrative history of the Romanian cultural area has been the county (judeţ), also known as a realm (ţinut– in Medieval Moldova). Proving its usefulness as a unifying matrix after the Union of 1918, the county was the focus of two major administrative reforms in 1929 and 1938. The former created local ministerial directorates which were made up of several counties, by historical regions, and aimed to decentralise public services. The latter – implemented during the dictatorship of Charles II – abolished all counties and replaced them with larger territorial divisions, called realms; they were no longer meant to support decentralisation, but, on the contrary, the King’s authoritarian control over the administration, according to the fascist model.