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The article presents the results of research related to scenario planning for security purposes. The study of analytical documents was assumed more reliable than strategy contents, guided by too many objectives other than an accurate forecast. Taking this criterion into account, The Global Trends. Paradox of Progress project was selected for analysis. The conducted research aimed to answer the following questions: What were the sources of theoretical (concepts and models) and methodological (empirical schools and methods) references in the analysed project? What are the conclusions for researchers on strategic studies and strategy? The very title of the study and the final forecast date of 2035 indicated that it was based on the scenario planning school. The consequence of the chosen theoretical concept was the applied methodology of scenario analysis. Not only did the article evaluate the report but also determined the canons of contemporary scenario planning, which is built by a triad composed of narrative scenarios, paradoxes, and strategic traps. The presentation of the essence of such strategic thinking was intended to encourage the discussions within the strategic studies and promote the concept of research that considers scientific foundations rather than political wishes and pressure.
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The article aims to analyze Brexit from the perspective of the Visegrad Group countries in the context of the future of the European Union. Addressing this issue is important from the point of view of assessing the role of the EU for the Visegrad countries. The main thesis of the research is that Brexit will not lead to a reform of the EU in the coming years, which is what some of the Visegrad Group countries are trying to do. The article is provocative, because, during the migration crisis, the Visegrad Group was shown as a brake on the European integration process. After Brexit, it was considered that some of EU Member States could follow Great Britain and leave the EU. The article complements the scientific achievements in this field, as it presents the view from the country of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Lipset and Rokkan’s theory of cleavages as well as its interpretation and continuation of Bartolini and Mair became the basis for formulating the concept of the communist and post-communist cleavage. The concept of the post-communist cleavage gained solid empirical confirmation for the period from 1989 to the middle of the parliamentary term of 2001–2005. However, significant changes have taken place on the Polish political scene since then. The article, referring to the indicated authors, attempts to answer the question whether the post-communist cleavage in Poland lasts and if it will stay. The analysis focuses on the crisis of the post-communist side and the conflict on the post-Solidarity side of the cleavage. Empirical analyses show that as a result of the political conflict, the electorates of the two post-Solidarity parties – Civic Platform and Law and Justice – have clearly grown apart, and that the post-communist side is also divided, certainly on the level of political parties. The article describes various possibilities of a further development of the socio-political situation, but does not propose a definitive answer to the question of what to do with the post-communist division in Poland.
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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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The spread of the Covid-19 has presented an unparalleled challenge for media management as well as for the media content. The pattern of daily life changed due to the excessive use of media. India, as a nation has been in the third position worldwide, many deaths during a pandemic are concerned. Kolkata being one of the metro cities of the country has not been exempted. The regional media content perceived a knowledge gap with the highest circulated national daily of the country. The changed media content, and audience perception towards the change, and the need for media advocacy during any health crisis in general and Covid-19 in particular, is studied in this paper using a mixed approach of both quantitative and qualitative. The discourse analysis of the newspapers in a constructed week format, representing a six months study during the pandemic, and the primary data from the audience suggested the behavior change and attitude formation through media, in this unique study.
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The development of new technologies is considered a revolution because it has interconnected micro and macro cultures, has influenced socio-economic developments, and is gradually transferring our social life to the virtual one. Today, life without information technology is unimaginable and every communication is done through new technologies. On the other hand, the privacy and misuse of personal data are directly endangering personal freedom. The Balkan countries are as well part of this technological development but are also heavily challenged by different unidentified risks. Kosovo has a young population and is considered to have the youngest population in Europe. About 96.4% of households have access to the internet. This paper aims to analyze the development of new technologies in societies in transition, especially in Kosovo, the challenges, the issue of privacy, and the future of information technology. The methodology applied within this paper is the study of literature and the development of qualitative research. The findings demonstrate that Kosovo has quickly embraced information technology, digitized its public services, and installed some of the region's most cutting-edge technologies, such as 3D printers, but it is also highly vulnerable to cyber-attacks.
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The Social Credit system (SCS) in China is being applied in an increasing number of areas of everyday life. This system is built around rewarding and punishing specific forms of social behavior. The question arises whether this system is a new challenge to the right to privacy. The study, which is supported by literature, sheds light on how novel this thought is. This paper uses the comparative method, normative method, and legal-logical methods of induction and deduction. According to the research, the SCS in basic is a state project. The key distinctions between the SCS and similar systems in Western countries include the impact on individuals, state dependency, punitive policy, the breadth of consequences, and cultural differences. In addition, one of the tools of the SCS in China is ‘shame’, which is focused on maintaining harmonious relations within a society. In the West, the focus is more on the citizens’ rights.
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Terrorism has emerged as one of the major challenges for the Eurasian regional peace, security, and cooperation. Keeping these challenges in perspective, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established to eliminate the menace of terrorism, fundamentalism, and secessionism. Against this background, the main objectives of this paper are to examine how terrorism emerged as a major determining factor in the Indo-Pak relations and how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), was failed to play its effective role in the Indo-Pak conflict given the Pulwama terror attack. For this research, descriptive and analytical methods were used and the data was collected from secondary sources. The major findings of this article are that terrorism has emerged as one of the major determinants of Indo-Pak relations and the same has become a major challenge for the SCO to resolve the issue. Against the background of terror attacks, it was anticipated that the SCO would play a crucial role to pacify the situation. However, the role played by the SCO in this situation proved marked as a Whack-a-Mole.
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The primary language of international relations and diplomacy is English. The representatives of international bodies communicate in the English language. It is vital to establish English as the official language for international organizations in facilitating more efficient collaboration internationally. English dominance in international communication becomes increasingly apparent. This study aimed at gaining a more in-depth understanding of the significance of the English language. It also aimed at identifying, describing, and explaining the importance of the English language in public diplomacy and international relations. The researcher used the descriptive research method in the study, notably; secondary data were used for collecting reliable conclusions for the research. The findings suggested that the adoption of formulaic language, particularly, idioms and idiomatic expressions to further embellish the phrases used in the arena of international relations or policy is a peculiarity of the English language. The study concluded that formulaic language and the adoption and usage of idioms is a distinguishing feature that diplomats and those who have a career in international law and international relations should master.
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In general, the basic concept of various theories of E-government adoption is individual reaction to use E-government as an independent variable, then intention (behavioral intention) to use E-government as an intermediary variable. The development of e-government adoption theory is developing dynamically. Scholars have developed several models to find out more about the reasons for individuals to accept and use technology and to find out what factors have a significant influence. In this paper, the author will discuss the theory of The unified model of e-government adoption (UMEGA) by adding the variables Perceived Enjoyment (TAM 3) and Habit (UTAUT 2). These variables measure internal factors and external factors that in previous studies had a high level of influence on the use of e-government. The finding in this study is that the social influence variable has a significant impact on attitudes to using e-government. More specifically, local culture is one factor that also has an inhibiting effect on the implementation of e-government. People prefer to use offline services compared to online/e-service/e-government services. This is because the public is worried about the risks experienced, such as data security, the possibility of system failure in public services, and other risk issues that develop in the community. In addition, the community also prefers to come directly to the service office due to public trust related to local cultures, such as (Ewuh Pakewuh, desire to stay in touch with other visitors, shy culture, etc.). If it is assumed, local culture, especially in Yogyakarta, is contrary to the culture of applying technology widely adopted by western countries, which are more open to modern culture, especially technology.
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This paper aims at exploring inter-organizational collaboration during emergency response at local level. Specifically, this paper analyzes collaborations between public, private, and non-governmental organizations that evolved in response to 2016 Hurricane Matthew, in Haiti. While governments play a large role in responding to disasters and managing recovery, many disasters are far too large and complex to handle by themselves. That’s where inter-organizational collective action comes to assist and support the relief of the victims. However, considering how problematic disaster collective response action was during the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, this study is guided by the desire to explore what exactly was accomplished on the ground during Hurricane Matthew in terms of efficiency and satisfaction. Moreover, the use of communication and information is also investigated. Research findings revealed that: a) the destruction of information infrastructures hampered communication efficiency; b) the Directorate for Civil Protection (DPC) failed as main national disaster agency to coordinate all the sectors; c) and finally, a lack of leadership and trust were found between involved organizations. The author recommends the use of smart technologies to enhance communication structure, and advocates for a new collaborative culture built on trust and transparency between stakeholders.
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The digital revolution is an issue for local authorities to actively shape the dynamic change of service expectations.The Objectives of the research project are investigations in how AI-support can speed up decisions of authorities in unknown, dynamically changing situations professionally. The scientific interest lies in the question of possible linking options between learning theories of adult human education and deep learning strategies of machine learning approaches. The Prior work serves the element of service optimization for citizens or business concerning the use of AI-applications for direct interaction and for process optimization in the background of processing.The Approach is in addition to an introduction to the basic user scenarios of AI technology in the public task spectrum of local governance. In this respect, it bases on the empirical findings of the study ‘Artificial Intelligence in Public Administration - Fields of Application and Scenarios”.The Results concern the understanding that human and AI-basic technologies are action-oriented learning systems performing in the fields of creating services in the web 4.0, such as the internet of things. Development learning theories, such as transformative learning for Data Scientists and Public Managers, should have an impact on more customer related AI-applications.The Implications of this interdisciplinary projekt should give an impact to academics in the public management and data sciences as well as specialists of learning in the field of human and machine-interaction. For practioners and leaders of local authorities, the possibilities of implementing AI-services should become clear.The Value of the paper lies in the combination of administrative, learn-strategic, technological, and ethical requirements to be proposed in order to get the application scenarios of AI off the ground, also in the sense of acceptance management in the face of persistent innovation blockades of general ‘smart government’ measures.
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This research aimed to analyze the Albanian parliamentary elections held in 2013, 2017, and 2021 in order to evaluate the process of development of representative democracy in Albania, one of the post-communist countries of the Western Balkans. The analysis was based on assessing the dynamics of the Electoral Integrity Index (PEI) as a quantitative indicator that reflects the level of fulfillment of international standards for democratic elections. The PEI was evaluated using the average perception values for 11 indicators reflecting the election process. Based on the value of the PEI2013 (54.1 scores), PEI2017 (53.3 scores), and PEI2021 (57.7 scores), the parliamentary elections in Albania were considered as processes that do not exceed the ‘moderate’ level. The non-significant difference between 2013, 2017, and 2021 PEI (p>0.05) demonstrated low progress in developing democratic performances in Albanian society.
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This study examines the normative hypothesis explaining the nexus between terrorism and Abrahamic religious tradition, particularly the Boko Haram Islamic fundamentalist sect in North-Eastern Nigeria. It is methodologically structured in quantitative and qualitative methods, where data and information are retrieved from primary and secondary sources. These were presented in a tabular form and analyzed descriptively within the context of the subject matter under investigation. The findings reveal that, beyond the classical arguments usually provided by the Abrahamic religious tradition school, the real reason behind global terrorism is for some overzealous religious bigots to establish a caliphate that will enable them to influence the international system. Based on these findings, the study concluded that the war against global terrorism would be a mirage unless national governments and international organizations fully address these fundamental issues.
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The article examines China’s geo-economic interest in Africa. China intends to exercise its leverage over both coastal frontiers for trade and defense and its hinterland for rich mineral, metal, and fossil deposits. Furthermore, the debt trap seems to be one of the methods through which China intended to bargain with Africa to bag as much advantage as it could gain. The question that emerges from this critical engagement with China-Africa relations is to look into how the reality of Africa’s narrative of development is projected both from outside and within and the contradiction embodied in that projection. China used the narrative of development to set its feet on African soil. This paper discusses China’s penetration into Africa by offering interest-free loans and its gradual emergence as a neocolonial power through expanding its network. The method used in the study to establish China’s monopoly and interfering streak in African affairs through BRI is the analysis of available data based on which the objectives and the conclusions are drawn.
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The Balkans is considered a vital area in international relations. It has always attracted and is still attracting the interest of global and regional powers and factors on the international stage, including Turkey. Besides the political, economic, and defense aspects, the soft power of Turkish multidimensional diplomacy represents one of the most important segments of the relations between Turkey and the Balkan countries. Turkish government institutions like the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs), Yunus Emre, Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), TIKA, Turkish State Media, Maarif education institutions, and various non-governmental organizations represent some of the most vital segments of the cultural, religious and educational expansion of the Turkish state in the Balkan countries. This paper is mainly based on the following research methods: historical, descriptive, and in-depth analysis. This study aims to answer the main question of this research - Do the above-mentioned soft power policy tools play a vital role in the further development of Turkey-Balkan countries relations? This paper concludes that the Turkish soft power policy in the Balkans faces a series of challenges that affect its expansion's functionality and success.
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Using four emerging powers as a case study (China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey), this paper examined how the current redistribution of power in the contemporary world has affected the Western Balkan region. The objective was to shed light on the ability of the emerging powers to make use of soft power to increase their influence. This paper demonstrated that the growing presence in the Western Balkan region of these emerging powers occurred to the detriment of traditional actors in the region, in particular to the European Union and the United States. While Russia favored political instability in the region to increase its grip, China proposed a new economic project to reach the European market and expand its own norms. As far as Saudi Arabia and Turkey were concerned, both states privileged the use of religious soft power in Muslim-majority countries. The paper concluded that a rapid European response is required today if the EU wants to remain the most influential actor in the Western Balkans.
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This paper explores the challenges that Ukraine faces during the Russian invasion, focusing on the political and economic implications of the war. Apart from the humanitarian crisis, the war has produced political, economic, and social tribulations, which must be addressed. The more stubborn the Ukrainian resistance becomes, the more likely Russia will implement more aggressive tactics. Ukraine has already acknowledged its inability to join the transatlantic alliance, and recent peace talks with Russia have become more realistic and plausible for its future. Early planning of post-war recovery gained significance against this backdrop, as it proved to be successful when led by ‘indigenous drivers’. While this approach placed local actors, institutions, and resources at its center, it also recognized the crucial role of external aid. This paper argues that the war is a ‘resilience test’ for European solidarity and the EU’s crisis management competency. This paper inquires into the challenges of Ukraine’s post-war recovery and concludes that national consolidation, along with Western solidarity, is critical to addressing the ‘Russian problem’ of Ukraine.
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This article examines the Albanian political regime, as a single case study, for the period 2013-2021, as part of the Western Balkans' experience of democratic backsliding, by investigating the framework of factors linked with the formidable challenge posed by the emergence of a hybrid regime of Albania in these years. For the first time in Albania’s post-communist history, the incumbent Socialist Party of Albania won for the third time in a row the parliamentary elections of April 2021, thus making the bid for the power of the leading opposition parties much harder. This paper uses country-expert statistical data from V-Dem and qualitative data analyses. The study reveals that the over-reliance on strong leaders, the growing government control over public life, fragmentation of the opposition, its lack of appeal, organization and mobilization, the boycott of the parliamentary mandates, combined with the weakening role of media and distrust of the citizens in democratic institutions, led to the resurgence of the authoritarian mechanisms, making the liberal democratic transformation in Albania an increasingly challenging task.
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