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Српски народ се определио за Европу 1804. године када је започео борбу за ослобођење од турске власти и повратак у цивилизацијски круг којем припада а од којег је неколико векова раније насилно одвојен. Историја Србије у 19. веку у многим сегментима више је саставни део историје Европе него што није. Шта је то што је у том веку Србију спајало са Европом? То, свакако, нису апстрактна залагања за европску будућност. Уз помоћ и у сарадњи са појединим европским државама Србија је повела и довршила борбу за национално ослобођење. Од 1804. развијала је дипломатију, изграђивала институције, ударала темеље модерне државности, изборила државну независност и добила међународно признање. Из једног „празног простора“ или „безвременог света“, како историчари називају период српске историје под турском влашћу због тога што се о њему недовољно зна, Србија је постала део европског политичког, културног, економског и цивилизацијског простора. Политичке везе са европским дворовима и успешна дипломатија донеле су Србији 19. века историјски резултат – признање државне независности. [...]
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The paper attempts to define the term “holiness” from the point of view of anthropology. It traces the transformations of the understanding for “what/who is holy?” starting from the Old Testament term „ קדוש – kadosh” (meaning ‘separate, different’). The analysis of the ancient Slavic root *svęt- < *k’ṷen-to- leads to the Orthodox understanding of holiness as the ultimate level of spiritual bliss, an upper limit for the rise of humans in their humanity. Also observed is the problem of the “historical accuracy” of the hagiographical works. A series of examples are given for the social distinction of the saints’ behaviour, which places them not just ABOVE, but obviously fully OUTSIDE the social norms.
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This article examines and analyzes the problem of the emergence, formation, and features of the development of the Moldo -Wallachian substrate during the Early Middle Ages — until the beginning of the formation of state entities, which were later called Danube Principalities. The problem is highlighted at the level of civilization and anthropological characteristics, reflected in the Romanian historiography of the 20th century and presented by many well-known researchers. Special attention is paid to the debatable aspects of the ethnic identification of the population of the Carpathian-Danube region during the Great Migration, examined through the prism of methodological approaches, conceptual statements and interpretative perspectives.
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The study addresses the problem of the medieval seasonal settlements from today’s South-Eastern Bulgaria. Three of them are located on the territory of the mining and electricity complex of “Maritsa-Iztok”. Two of them are entirely excavated and are situated on the land of Gledachevo village, the third one is partially studied and is located nearby Polski Gradets village, and the last one — in the area of “Shihanov bryag” nearby the city of Harmanly.Archaeological data undoubtedly points to the fact that there is no cultural layer in any of the seasonal settlements. There are neither archaeological materials nor artefacts excluding some pottery pieces. There are no graveyards, which once again is a proof of the brief habitation in these areas. According to the ethnographical data, there are four basic types of stock-breeding. The first is the so-called Alpine or mountain stockbreeding, the second one — transhumance, the third one — nomadism, and the fourth one — stationary livestock farming.The analysis of the archaeological and ethnographical data allows us to infer that, for the time being, there is no connection between seasonal settlements and transhumance or nomadism. Anyway, there is no doubt that they are related to the mobile stock-breeding.
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Recent European discourse on integration (e.g. debates about integration tests or national cultural values) focuses more and more on a societal model which understands integration not as societal participation and equality of opportunities (Alexander, 2013; Hess and Moser, 2009; Kaya, 2012) but as cultural assimilation. The markers of difference used in this hegemonial integration discourse work particularly along the axis of cultural difference, a characteristic of a (new) form of racism called “neo-racism” (Balibar, 1991) or “differential racism” (Taguieff, 2000) which focuses on cultural difference instead of biological aspects. Neo-racist arguments are based on the assumption that “cultural groups” are incompatible and xenophobia is a quasinatural attempt to protect one’s “own culture” (Balibar, 1991; Çinar, 1999; Terkessidis, 1998). Thus social categories as culture are naturalized by referring to an underlying essence – a process of psychological essentialism – and “merging different groups” appears as dangerous (Holtz & Wagner, 2009).
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The aim of this study is to shed new light on debates about Turkish migration studies using a grounded theory (GT) method. My case study for this research is Magnificent Century, an internationally viewedand acclaimed popular television series that refers to the sixteenth century Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent associated with the pinnacle of Ottoman power in the world. The series dramatize the intrigues of his harem and court and most of the incidents and actions are based on real events and fictionalised subplots.
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First-generation Turkish immigrants in Sweden have started to reach older ages and to think about their old age and future care needs. Strong family and community ties, intergenerational solidarity, and cultural practices regulating marriage, socialization and care are believed to be a characteristic of Turkish families (Liljeström & Özdalga, 2002). However, as Finch and Mason argue, “responsibilities between kin are not straightforward products of rules of obligation, they are (…) the products of negotiation” (1993, p. 60). An increasing number of studies attempt to understand how families are made and remade in the migration context through care relations, responsibilities and negotiations (Baldassar, 2001, 2007, 2008; Bryceson & Vuorela, 2002). In this paper, I will highlight the role of emotions in negotiating and thinking about care responsibilities in a migration context and argue that emotions not only redefine transnational care practices but they also reshape the ways in which family responsibilities are imagined in diaspora space (Brah, 1996). After briefly describing the methods of the research, focus will be directed towards exploring the significance of emotions in migration studies. Then I will focus on a particular emotion – vefa – and discuss how it is translated into gendered care practices, by referring to three older Turkish women’s accounts.
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In Germany, the second-generation migrants’ share of the overall population is growing fast and, among them, those of Turkish origin represent the largest group. They are also the group with the lowest labour market outcomes, and this holds especially true for secondgeneration Turkish women. Of all the ethnic groups, their employment rate and hourly income are the lowest (Algan et al., 2010; Seibert, 2011), while their chances of attaining non-manual employment positions do not differ from those of native-born German women (Seibert, 2011). In addition, they have a higher risk of unemployment and being a housewife (Fincke 2009; Haug 2002), and they have the highest out of labour force rate (Luthra 2013). In comparison, other second-generation women in Germany of Iberian, Greek, or Yugoslavian origin, have less pronounced disadvantages (Heath et al. 2008). While the disadvantages of second-generation Turkish women have also been found for the Netherlands, Belgium, and Austria (Heath et al. 2008), nothing is known about the development of these disadvantages over the course of their employment careers.
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multiple constructions, including memories, experiences, observations and many more in the case of migrants. Nevertheless, migration is not a finite event, it is an ongoing process in which migrants deal with different life patterns and social relationships, which have economic, social and cultural characteristics (Basch et al. 1994; Glick-Schiller et al. 1992, Guarnizo and Smith 1998; Levitt 1999, 2001 in Park, 2007:201). The Bulgarian-Turkish migrants have transnational identities, which have multiple attachments to more than one space, and indicate an interplay between ethnicity and nationality. The borders of nation-states do not determine the transnational identity perception of migrants. These borders may only indicate political confinements. However, for Bulgarian-Turkish migrants, the border between Turkey and Bulgaria refers only to a geographical location, which is not related to any political boundary. Hence, a visible interplay of ethnic identity and national identity among Bulgarian Turkish migrants is a significant determinant for their transnational identity. In Bulgaria, they used to have a strong ethnic identity, whereas in Turkey it turns out to be an even stronger national identity. However, they also tend to equalize ethnicity and nationality in Turkey, as they acquired a majority status in Turkey. Nevertheless, they have transnational social attachments between these two political territories, though it does not matter for them if it is a political border or not. Some migrants tend to see these two territories as homelands, depending on the context, since “some migrants identify more with one society than the other, the majority seem to maintain several identities that link them simultaneously to more than one nation” (Schiller, Basch, Blanc-Szanton 1992 in Vertovec 2009:6).
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This paper discusses the role of art in Cold War diplomacy in Yugoslav-US relations between 1961 and 1966. During the 1960s, culture was often, sometimes unwittingly, at other times intentionally, infused with the politics of the Cold War. According to one line of existing scholarship, the rise of US art after WWII and exhibitions of American art abroad amounted to cultural imperialism and a “profound glorifying of American civilization.” These historians persuasively identified the political motives behind the exhibition strategies of American museums, such as MoMA’s promotion of Abstract Expressionism through the International Program of Circulating Exhibitions (established in 1952), or the US Government’s Central Intelligence Agency endorsement of US art through its offices around the world. Accordingly, Abstract Expressionist works were staged as par excellence representations of America’s democratic values, where the messages of freedom and individuality behind the works of such artists as Jackson Pollock were contrasted against the tyranny and totalitarianism of the USSR. Indeed, John Hay Whitney, Chairman of the Museum of Modern Art, explicitly stated that the role of the Museum and of art is to “educate, inspire, and strengthen the hearts and wills of free men in defence of their own freedom.”
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Immigrant voices rarely get their time in the spotlight in mainstream media and therefore their stories rarely get the reception needed for the general public to understand what it is like to be an immigrant or a refugee, but this literary analysis of three novels-Ola Larsmo’s Swede Hollow (2016), Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Ett Öga Rött [One Eye Red, my transl.] (2003) and Golnaz Hashemzadeh’s She Is Not Me (2015)-shows how literature can provide precisely that perspective. Swede Hollow maps a time of Swedish late 19th century and early 20th century immigration into the United States. Extensively researched and based on authentic, contemporary sources, Larsmo highlights the characters’ toil and hardships in the new country, but he also shows their paths to becoming established U.S. citizens. The two latter novels are written by authors who themselves are well acquainted with contemporary migration and integration issues and processes in Sweden. Khemiri is of Swedish Tunisian origin and his novel portrays immigrant life in a Swedish multiethnic suburb of Stockholm with a 15-year-old boy, Halim, as its main character. The Hashemzadeh family’s country of origin is Iran and Golnaz Hashemzadeh arrived in Sweden at the age of three. Her semi autobiographical novel She Is Not Me portrays “the Girl’s” journey growing up in Swedish almost exclusively white and middle-class Gustavsberg, and her ambition as she was accepted at the most prestigious universities in Sweden, but also the costs for her personally.
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Migration, displacement, maturative dislocation and identity crisis constitute themes for literary discourse in the twenty-first century, especially as fall-outs of colonialism and globalization. The Nigerian literature of the twenty-first century reveals the preponderance by writers, some of who live abroad, to confront the notions of migration, dislocation and identity crisis, through their literary works. They portray varying prevalent social realities, especially as they affect people of the Third World. It is not uncommon, therefore, to encounter the child-protagonist as he/she grapples with the vicissitudes of daily existence, maturation and identity formation in a dystopian environment. For example, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie uses the characters of Kambili and Jaja (Purple Hibiscus); Ugwu (Half of a Yellow Sun) and Ifemelu, Obinze, Emenike etc (Americanah) to explore the growing-up motif as a tool for exposing the maturational processes of the child-protagonist who struggles towards identity formation in a seemingly hostile environment.
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Migratory movements led to a modern crisis as they have challenged the concept of borders that had emerged with nation states. Improvements in communication and travel have eroded the invincibility of geographical and political borders while social boundaries have transpired within nation state entities. It is more likely than ever that people come across different identities and cultures, and are required to cohabit with those.
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Migration is common to all human groups since many thousands of years. There are various reasons why people move from one place to another. Epidemics, famine, natural disasters, changes in climate and political factors are some of these reasons. Hence, migration is an ongoing process that involves historical and strategic elements. Migration, whether on an individual or mass scale, is strategic as it involves actions that are carefully determined and planned in order to leave adverse circumstances behind and move to a new and better place. This study deals with forced migration on an international scale rather than movements based on individual choice, the displacement of Syrians who had to leave their homeland. Forced migration, no matter what its initiator is, involves a dramatic rupture, a detachment. The one who has to migrate has to leave his/her home and homeland as well as loved ones, living or dead, behind. All of those left behind is to remain in the memories of the migrant. This forced abandoning causes an emotional burnout which is usually reflected in tears, sighs and trills during narratives told by migrants. This is why forced migration is much more than a geographical transposition.
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Illegal migration of humans from Asian countries, such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Tajikistan, Iran, Syria and Bangladesh moving towards the West and Europe is the most important and the greatest movement of people of our era. On considering the areas through which the movement of migration passes in addition to the starting and finishing points of this movement, we observe continuous movement, journey of problems and challenging stories of migration. Those migrations which start illegally and which end illegally are also an area of unearned income for human smugglers.
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The twentieth and twenty-first centuries are rightly called as ‘age of migrations’ (See Castles, Haas & Miller, 2014). Contemporary times witness the movements of people at a pace and scope never seen before. Though migration is nothing new: If we consider that the history of the dispersal of homo sapiens from Africa dates back around 150 thousand years, we can safely claim that human beings have been moving since their first appearance on earth.
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The issue of migration is an increasingly debated topic in many countries around the world. International migration, which is one of the important realities of our time, is one of the most fundamental processes of social change. It is an undeniable fact that the number of migrants fleeing their countries origin is quite high as evident in the mass population movements in the second half of the 20th century. According to the United Nations, if the growth trends seen in the last 20 years continue at the same speed, the number of international migrants in the world will reach 405 million in 2050 (GIGM, 2016). International migration, a symptom of the global social change process, causes people to move in masses around the world (Buffoni, 2017: 325). Due to wars, violence and political pressures, a large mass of people is being forcibly displaced and Turkey has been heavily affected by this migration movement. Especially in countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, people have been forced to leave their countries due to very serious problems such as war and violence over the last 20 years. Of the 5.6 million Syrians (5,625,871) who left Syria due to the civil war, over 3.6 million (3,614,108) arrived in Turkey (UNHCR, 2019). The arrival of such a large volume of people in Turkey shows that Turkey will be heavily affected by immigrations.
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Having a long history and located at a transition point, Afghanistan, which has lived through centuries of war and conflict (Wahab and Youngerman, 2007:52), consists of different tribes and ethnic groups, the past of which is based on nomadic lifestyles (Rasanayagam, 2003; Runion, 2007, Barfield; 2010). Having different ethnic groups, Afghanistan’s “social structure is based either (where kinship relations determine social organization and basic political alliances) on tribe or (where people identify themselves in terms of a common place) locality” (Akyüz, 2019:724).
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This chapter gives a snapshot of OFWs' life in Saudi and explores how Filipinos maintain their identity as Filipinos in Saudi Arabia. Saudi is the second most popular destination for Filipino transnationals in the world and OFW's remit almost as much money from Saudi as from the United States. Propelled from one socio-cultural and sensual environment into another, Filipino nationals must navigate personal and family needs, their emotions, and their identities. This chapter explores how OFW's recreate cultural continuity and constitute a sense of self through food-ways related to their sojourn. The chapter concludes that practices and memories are not only fixed, to a sensual experience of the consumption of global Filipino branded fast-food such as Jollibee, or merely by shopping at kabayan sari saris (Filipino markets). The ubiquitous embeddedness into such sights results in cognitive systems where sensual, social environmental spaces for identity exist and are actualized. These practices maintain a sensual romanticized identity with home while at the same time re-enforce their identity as transnationals, players in a global world.
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