STVARANJE PARADRŽAVE BOSANSKIH SRBA: IDENTIFIKACIJA „ISTORIJSKIH NEPRIJATELJA” I ETNIČKO RAZDVAJANJE STANOVNIŠTVA U RATU PROTIV BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE (1991‒1995)

Author(s): Sead Selimović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The Bosnian Serbs have hoped, until late 1991, that Yugoslavia would prevail, but once it was clear that this goal could not be achieved, they have changed their attitude and began with the creation of their own sovereign Serb entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (pseudo-state), with its political, civilian, and military structures. The Bosnian Serb leadership presented, in their speeches, Bosniacs and Croats as “historic enemies of the Serbs” to justify their territorial tendencies in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which they considered “historically Serb territory”. Strategic objectives of the Bosnian Serb leadership made the key element in the military strategy of the so-called Republika Srpska Army, namely the creation of the pseudo-state Republika Srpska. Statements and speeches of Bosnian Serb leaders suggested that they supported and advocated the capturing of the territory, previously conquered militarily by the “Serb forces”. Bosnian Serb leadership was aware that the policy of ethnic cleansing would result in violence, given the fact that the population of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was so mixed. And yet, they continued with that policy. In his speeches, statements, and announcements, Radovan Karadžić would blame Bosniacs and Bosnian Croats for separation of population, and he argued that the Bosnian Serbs did not try to make “ethnically cleansed state”. These statements and announcements served for purpose of creating one version, intended exclusively for the international community, based on which Bosnian Serbs would not be guilty for separation and resettlement of population. Public statements often contravened their plans for ethnic separation. Radovan Karadžić and Bosnian Serb leadership continued to talk, in 1994 and 1995, about the removal of Bosniacs and Bosnian Croats from the state they had created and permanent importance of unification of all Serb states. Up until 1995, Bosniacs and Bosnian Croats were still shown as “historic enemies” of Bosnian Serbs and their (pseudo)state.

O RELATIVIZACIJI AGRESIJE NA BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU I NEKIM POKAZATELJIMA NJENE HISTORIJSKE STVARNOSTI NA PODRUČJU SARAJEVA

Author(s): Mesud Šadinlija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Similarly, as in cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity for which it is necessary to establish cumulative conditions applicable to the existence of armed conflict within which they were committed, the revision of the assessment of the nature of conflict being the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina and its relativization are of the paramount relevance in the process of equal redistribution of different aspects of responsibility between all the actors, and ultimately all the national communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This process, whose obvious and daily progression in a broad social spectrum is achieved within several motivationally different and synergically strong tendencies, does not have a benign nature and it does not suggest the assumptions of such societal development that could overcome past contradictions and conflicts. To that end, it is important to highlight different forms of this phenomenon and maintain, in the public discourse, the awareness about the genuine content and meaning of the notion of aggression, structure and responsibility of the executors, particularly in terms of responsibility for the committed crimes. We shall highlight in this paper some aspects of the denial and relativization of the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, and remind of the international definition of the aggression and in relation to this suggest some concrete indicators of its. Historic reality, particularly in the territory of Sarajevo.

OPĆI PRISTUP PROBLEMU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Ermin Kuka,Almir Grabovica / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the period 1992‒1995, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was subjected to a classic armed aggression by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Croatia. This was the aggression of colossal extent, which was followed by the commission of a numerous mass and individual crimes, primarily against Bosniacs. To scientifically study the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is extremely complex and demanding scientific and methodological task. The mere aggression is an empiric fact, which requires a scientific approach to the aggression, both in terms of theoretical and the empiric position. The aggression against the Republic. Of Bosnia and Herzegovina was systematically prepared, and to the smallest detail, as well as planned and organized, which included the political and military leadership of the neighboring country, as well as their supporters in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (political and military leadership of the self proclaimed Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Also, the role of the academic, cultural, and other circles cannot be disregarded, as they had the task to prepare ideological foundation and basis for the execution of the aggression. Serbian Academy of Science and Arts (SANU) can be particularly singled out in this regard with their Memorandum from 1986. All these listed actors became the basis for the advocacy and execution of the great-Serbian ideology and policy which in practical terms meant creation of ethnically cleansed Serbian territories, that is the creation of the so-called great Serbia. This fascistic and genocidal ideology could not have been implemented without the commission crimes, including the crime of genocide. Due to the complexity of circumstances, context, and the extent of the mere aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general approach to this problem requires primarily a scientific approach based on knowledge and findings of the contemporary methodology of the social studies, through the implementation of the contemporary methods and techniques of the scientific study.

ULOGA JNA U PRIPREMI AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU 1992‒1995. I OTPOR AGRESIJI, S POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA PODRUČJE SJEVEROISTOČNE BOSNE

Author(s): Izet Šabotić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The paper points out at the role of the YPA in the preparation and implementation of the aggression against the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with special reference to northeast Bosnia. The YPA took the side of the great-state Serbian ideologists, blindly implementing the policy created in Belgrade, which implied open aggression and pretensions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this respect, the YPA has been carrying out numerous activities since the late 1980s, working on the Serbisation of the YPA, installing exclusively Serbian-Montenegrin command staff in key positions. This made it possible for the YPA to be fully involved in the preparation of the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, and it played a key role in all of this. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the YPA implemented a plan to disarm and disable the TD of Bosnia and Herzegovina, taking over most of its weapons. It openly armed the Serb national component in Bosnia and Herzegovina, worked in cooperation with the SDS to undermine the constitutional and legal order of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to implement war plans, such as the “RAM”, “TEPIH” and “DRINA” plans, which implied open aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the aforementioned plans, the area of northeast Bosnia had a special significance for the aggression planners. Therefore, the YPA carried out numerous activities in this area. Preparations for the aggression were entrusted to the YPA 17th Corps, based in Tuzla. According to a clearly developed plan, the YPA armed the Serb population, for which the high-ranking YPA officers were strictly in charge of. Through the YPA, a significant number of YPA units, which arrived from Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia and Montenegro, were deployed in northeast Bosnia. Propaganda was constantly spread in this area for the purpose of collapsing the security situation and creating insecurity among the population. In preparation for the aggression, YPA units occupied important military-strategic points in this area. All the aforementioned activities were carried out by the YPA under the complete control of the military and political leadership from Belgrade, and in cooperation with the SDS of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By April 1992, the YPA had made all the necessary preparations for the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aggression began in early April 1992, precisely in the area of northeast Bosnia, with the attack on Bijeljina and other places in the Bosnian Podrinje. The consequences of the brutal aggression would have been much greater if the goals of the great-state ideologists and planners had not been recognised on time in this area, so that the preparations were made accordingly, responsibly, and decisively to start providing resistance to the aggression.

ULOGA PRIPADNICA ARBIH U ODBRANI REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE 1992‒1995. - TRIDESET GODINA POSLIJE

Author(s): Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from the need of the Bosnian people to defend itself. The aggressors’ desires, planned and projected goals were confronted with a strong will of patriots to defend themselves and their homes, families, state. The defenders of Bosnia were barehanded young men and girls, decisive and courageous in their intention to defend their homeland, namely the heroes who recognized the conclusive historic moment for Bosnian and Herzegovina to confirm its independence and sovereignty, and to stop being the object of hegemonistic and great-state tendencies of its neighbors. This strong will produced the organization of the Army, which was the only official armed force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with its objective to protect the territorial integrity of the state, citizens, economic, cultural, and other goods. In the ranks of the Army were also 5,360 members of “soft” gender, who have presented sufficient bravery to join those forces in the most difficult times of the final defense of independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the state. Among them, the particular piety belongs to those who were awarded Golden Fleur-de-lis (Zlatni ljiljan) – 13 of them. The option of choice – a victim or a defender ‒ made their decision easier when expressing their readiness to choose the adequate response. A special honor and respect be-long to a particular group of women ‒ who joined the Army voluntarily, when there were many of those who were hiding or were trying to escape the frontline or even the country, wishing to be a part of and to contribute in the fight for survival, either as combatants on frontlines, members of the sabotage units, reconnaissance teams, unit commanders, nurses, or those who worked in logistical units, commands or headquarters. Some of them did not live long enough to see the freedom. And where are those brave female combatants today? The answer to this question is the topic of empiric study, presented in the same-name paper which contains the results of all the processes related to building the culture of memory, including positioning of voluntary female combatants in legal norms. These are two crucial foundations, which position voluntary female combatants in a sociological reality of the present day.

KRATKA HISTORIJA NEGIRANJA GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA

Author(s): Muamer Džananović,Hikmet Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The matter of denial of the genocide committed against Bosniacs, including also a revisionism of history has become in course of last several years a current topic in the Bosnian and Herzegovinian society. With the amendments to the Criminal Code off Bosnia and Herzegovina, which prohibits genocide denial and glorification of the adjudicated war criminals, exercising such practices has not stopped. The focus of recent studies related to the genocide committed against Bosniacs is reduced to the contemporary phenomena. Authors of this paper are trying to offer a historic review of the denial of crimes and genocide committed against Bosniacs, which has been in progress ever since the early days of the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The denial of camps, massacre at the Tuzla square, Sarajevo Markale market place, ample other crimes, including also the denial of genocide in Srebrenica, clearly suggests the form of institutional denial of crimes, which has been in progress, to a lesser or larger intensity, in the last thirty years.

Lišavanje slobode i prisilni rad u zakonodavstvu Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1941.-1945.)

Author(s): Mario Kevo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Following the formation of a camp system and the first deportations, the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia decided to create a formal legal basis for it in order to direct “undesirable and dangerous” persons according to the established order to “re-education” in concentration and work camps. Though restrictions to freedom and forced labour had been mentioned in previous legal practice, it was only after the proclamation of legal decrees at the end of 1941 that a formal legal basis for deportation to camps came into existence. In conjunction with the formation of the legal basis, the Ustaša authorities also completed the structuring of a repressive apparatus which in part had to carry out the decrees directed primarily against the followers of the Partisan movement and members of marginal societal groups. Prior to and alongside this, using an extra-institutional path, the Ustaša authorities carried out measures against the majority of Croatian and Bosnian Jews who were sent off to camps without any legal basis in the laws of the Independent State of Croatia. On the basis of sources and literature the author presents the issue of restricting freedoms and the dispatch of persons to forced labour in concentration and work camps in the Independent State of Croatia, as well as the structure of the repressive apparatus responsible for the execution of the formal-legal basis, but the work does not discuss the issue of incarceration.

Stradanje stanovništva NDH u logorima – numeričko određenje

Author(s): Dragan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This work attempts to show the plight of the civilian population in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia in concentration camps on the basis of the partially revised list “Žrtve rata 1941-1945” (Victims of War, 1941- 1945) first published in 1964. On the basis of results obtained from a revision of the list according to current trends in the analysis of the data, the number of deaths that occurred in the camps is calculated somewhere between 173,800 and 184,800. An overview is made which analyzes the territorial origins of the victims, their year of death, the national structure (58.03% Serbs, 16.09% Jews, 12.83% Roma, 6.97% Croats, 0.95% Muslims, and 5.13% members of other or unknown origins), responsibility for deaths (the perpetrators of crimes – 85.25% Independent State of Croatia, 14.28% Germany, and 0.46% Italy), the sites where the most numerous executions were carried out are identified, and all of this is shown against the larger context of the general suffering that took place in the Independent State of Croatia and Yugoslavia.

Vlado Singer i Stjepan Rubinić – od visokih policijskih dužnosnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske do zatočenika koncentracijskih logora

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, Vlado Singer and Stjepan Rubinić became high ranking officials of the security and police apparatus of the state. Due to their actions both fell afoul of their superiors and were removed from their positions. They served roughly the same amount of time at the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. In distincti-on to Singer, who was killed at the Stara Gradiška camp, Rubinić was released after spending a year in the camp. After his release from the camp he did not formally belong to the Ustaša movement, but he was allowed to conduct busi-ness with Jewish mercantile houses. Following the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, he withdrew toward Austria, where he lived for some years, after which time information about him becomes unreliable. It is assumed that he lives out of the public eye, as a well-situated man, either in South America or Australia.

Proturječja u svezi s brojem žrtava fašističkog koncentracijskog logora na otoku Molatu

Author(s): Zlatko Begonja / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

At the time of the Second World War, Italian fascist military and civilian authorities carried out a thorough policy of Italianization in the occupied and annexed region of the eastern Adriatic. With the aim of a rapid realization of this goal, among other things, they created concentration camps for civilian internees in parts of Croatian Dalmatia. One of these camps was on the island of Molat in the Zadar Archipelago, through which by some accounts 10,000 individuals passed during the period of its existence from June 1942 to September 1943. But in this regard, what is uncertain and has been the subject of some controversy is the number of deaths that occurred at the camp. Namely, until now unsubstantiated claims of 1000 victims have been made, though recent research has only been able to establish less than 100 victims. Indeed the variance between real and fictitious death tolls at the camp in Molat is the reason why it was necessary to look at this issue in depth. The inflation of the number of victims, especially in postwar peacetime circumstances, until now as added to the difficulty in objectively assessing the real situation and directly functioned in creating an atmosphere of ideological-political commerce in victims due to so-called higher interests.

Wehrmacht, NDH, evakuacija, deportacija i prisilni rad stanovništva u Dalmaciji tijekom 1944. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In September of 1943 the Kingdom of Italy capitulated and German army entered Italian annexed parts of Dalmatia. The Independent State of Croatia (ISC) was able to return these areas under its control, after they were ceded to Italy in May of 1941. The German army still had to secure the coastal area from Tito’s partisans and possible landing of the Western Allies. In 1944 the Ger-mans prepared plans for the defense and fortification of the eastern Adriatic coast. One of the security measures of the German army was the evacuation of able bodied men from Dalmatian islands because they were considered to be possible hostile and prone to join the partisans and help the Western Allies in the case of their landing in that areas. The Germans evacuation of islands and some parts of the Dalmatian coast, as well as German use of local population for forced labor caused panic and scare among people. This put ISC authorities in a difficult situation - Germans were their allies and they depended on their support and presence of a German army. At the same time ISC representatives, especially those in Dalmatia understood that they need to win the hearts and minds of the population in that area, especially after the period of Italian presence and due to the fact that many Dalmatians joined Tito’s partisans. They realized that German repressive measures would disrupt such attempts and often protested against German evacuation and deportations of local population. But such protests were mostly disregarded by Germans who could impose their own decisions on the much weaker and sometimes powerless ISC authorities.

Prinudni rad u Srbiji u Drugom svetskom ratu

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the most acute problems of the war economy in National Socialist Germany was a lack of labour in industry and agriculture. Though Nazi planners through a series of legal measures paid close attention to a solution to this matter even prior to the outbreak of the war, it was reopened following the failure of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. Taking workers out of factories and fields opened the question of labour supply in these areas vital to the war economy. Shortages in labour supply could only be made up by forced recruitment from occupied countries. Serbia was not an exception to this rule in occupied Europe. To achieve a more effective exploitation of labour supply, the Nazis introduced their own labour laws into occupied territory to drive production. Since they lacked adequate numbers of personnel in their occupation apparatus, they engaged the domestic administration to achieve the desired objectives. The population of Serbia was subjected to all the forms of forced labour which the Nazis applied to other occupied territories, from new labour laws to outright slave labour. The largest portion of forced labourers worked for German needs on the territory of Serbia itself, while the number of workers in Germany never exceeded 30,000-35,000 at one time. This represented less than half the number of workers that the occupation authorities planned to send to work outside of Serbia.

Logori Križnoga puta u Hrvatskoj 1945.

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In the last phases of the Second World War masses of people started to withdraw toward British positions in Carinthia. The majority of the refugees were captured before they crossed the Austrian border. A portion of those people that made it to Carinthia were handed over to the Yugoslavian Army by British forces. Their columns were turned back for the long march home, referred to as the “Death Marches” Passing through Slovenia these columns made it to Croatia. Behind them remained a large number of camps and mass graves. Using the extensive literature and available documents this article analyzes the camps formed on the march through Croatia (Mirkovci, Orosav-lje, Samobor, Jankomir, Kanal, Prečko, Maksimir, Karlovac, Čemernica, Sisak, Bjelovar, Lupoglav, “Danica” in Koprivnica, Osijek, Velika Pisanica, Krndija, Požega, Vinkovci). Numerous eye witness accounts tell of the daily experience of life in the camps – for the most part strict control of the camps, many citations, the sorting of inmates and the fear of being taken to the unknown, poor diet and unhygienic conditions, lack of medical supplies, and the general precariousness of one’s existence. Many available sources clearly demonstrate the strict control exercised by the newly established postwar regime over the territory of Croatia, or Yugoslavia.

Mediji i činjenice – interpretacija događaja iz Domovinskoga rata

Author(s): Ante Nazor / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Many events that happened during the Homeland War were not correctly interpreted in the media. Author reveals three examples, in fact historiographical question, about which Croatian media discussed much during the last several years. The first is the question who was the first fallen Croatian defender; the second is the problem whether Serbs were expunged from the first Croatian Constitution; and the third topic was related to the, so called, artillery log books of the liberation operation Oluja (Storm). Namely, comparative analysis of the available primary sources and what was written and broadcasted in the Croatian media, reveals that some of journalists, and also some of historians, who dealt with these topics were deliberately not objective. Moreover, it seems that these problems were treated in sensationalistic manner, with tendency to misinform the public, which could lead to the incorrectly shaped public opinion and imposition of responsibility / guilt to the Croatian policy and Croatians in relation to some events from the recent history.

Criminal offenses and violence in medieval Kotor (1326 - 1337)

Author(s): Valentina Živković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The topic of the paper is the analysis of the types of criminal offenses mentioned in the earliest preserved judicial notary documents of Kotor (1326 - 1337), and which are defined and sanctioned by the Statute of Kotor. Protection of interests of the community and principles of good administration were the priorities upon which the criminal justice system of Kotor was based. On the other hand, protection of private property was the most common topic because of which civil litigations were initiated.

“Our daily crime” seen through the letters and notes of Venetian government representatives in the communes of Brač and Omiš (16th – 18th c.)

Author(s): Lovorka Čoralić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The central topic of the paper is focused on research of material from the archival series Capi del Consiglio de’ Dieci: Lettere di Rettori e di altre cariche (Archivio di Stato di Venezia) which contains letters, notes, and reports written by Venetian government representatives in the communes of Brač and Omiš for the Venetian Council of Ten from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The research is focused on the prevalence of offenses, incidents, and crimes in the stated material and, considering the historical circumstances and difference in development of those two communes, a comparative analysis of examples by their categories (minor offenses, exiles, verbal incidents, physical violence, murders, etc.) has been made.

General criminality in the Independent State of Croatia

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In paper, based on the archival material and contemporary press, various types of crime are presented and numerical data on the status of general criminality in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) is provided. According to statistical data published by the police authorities of NDH, the status of criminality in NDH was satisfactory, especially considering the contemporary war circumstances. Difficult economic circumstances were a convenient environment for commission of criminal offenses. Thefts, frauds, robberies, and murder for personal gain were often motivated by fear for one’s own existence.

“Watch out, UNPROFOR!” – some observations on criminal and unprofessional conduct of peacekeeping forces of United Nations in Croatia

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the paper, based on the available sources and contemporary periodical publications, the author analyzes different aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of United Nations (UN) peace troops in Croatia. It is determined how a whole sequence of factors affected such aspects of conduct of blue helmets: total problematic of the peacekeeping operation (with a special emphasis on its execution), particularities of areas of deployment (with a special emphasis on the material situation of occupied territories), level of equipment, training, and self-discipline of certain national contingents of peacekeeping forces, and possibilities of activity of UN and command of peacekeeping forces administrations. Chosen aspects of criminal and unprofessional conduct of members of peacekeeping forces of UN have been analyzed thematically, i.e. separated into separate entities.

NEZAVISNA DRŽAVA HRVATSKA I ŽRTVE DRUGOGA SVJETSKOG RATA U POVIJESNIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Mario Jareb / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Croatian public has formed its opinion regarding Franjo Tuđman as a historian almost exclusively from sentences in a speech that he delivered in Zagreb in late February 1990 which seems to suggest that he believed that most Croats in 1941 supported the Independent State of Croatia. Although he dedicated more than three decades of his life to historical research on topics related to contemporary Croatian history, debates in the Croatian media and among Croatian historians are still often focused on those sentences, which have repeatedly been quoted without any reference to Tuđman’s other work or to why he included them in his speech. However, an analysis of the content of those sentences suggests that Tuđman was attempting to approach the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia as a historian rather than as a politician, but that he simplified the complexity of that historical event in his speech. Although some critics have alleged that Tuđman holds revisionist pro-NDH views, an analysis of his numerous works and public statements shows that he never adopted such views. He remained a vociferous critic of the NDH and the Ustašas [the Croatian is now regularly used in scholarly publications in English] from his earliest historical publications to the end of his life. He condemned Ustaša crimes openly and without any hesitation. However, as a historian who during the 1960s had dared to challenge some Party dogmas about World War II in Yugoslavia and in Croatia, he became the object of serious attacks by some powerful circles within the Yugoslav People’s Army, the League of Communists of Croatia/Yugoslavia, and Yugoslav and Croatian historians. Many of those who attacked Tuđman labeled him a nationalist and did everything they could to prevent him from publishing results of his research. His analysis of historiographic and political stereotypes that treated all Croats as Ustašas was closely related to his research on the NDH and the Ustaša movement. His efforts to contribute to an accurate estimate of population losses in Yugoslavia during World War II consumed much of his time and energy during the period from the mid 1960s to the end of the 1980s. He attempted to deconstruct myths related to these population losses and to promote research based on relevant sources and data. There is no doubt that the Jasenovac myth was one of the main foci of his research. Since the myths surrounding Yugoslavia’s war dead were supported by the Communist regime, Tuđman faced not only criticism of his research but became a dissident and the object of the regime’s repression.

CAMPAIGNING, LOBBYING, LEGISLATIVE INITIATIVES

Author(s): / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0