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This article presents the consequences caused by the war in Afghanistan (1979-1989) upon the participants from Republic of Moldova. A number of evidence are offered through biographies, interviews etc.. They highlight the impact that this event had both economic, and social as well, upon the active participants in this war
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The authors analyze the implementation of militant democracy concept in Central Europe, i.e. Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, as those are nations having experiences both with Nazi and communist regimes. The opening part covers a short history of this concepts and mechanisms used to suppress extremist subjects; subsequently the book compares practical instruments of counter-extremist policies, their individual principles and arrangements. This is the comparison that constitutes the main asset to the problem.
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In a world full of violence, which affects everyone from small children to adults, harm is caused to animals. It is easier to defend a people who can be relied on for legislation. Unfortunately, animals are not able to defend themselves in this way. Hence the importance of environment care of those who are the most vulnerable and dependent people. It does not matter whether the animal is a pet or wild. Bears, goats, and marmots that live in the mountains are protected. Unfortunately, laws cannot eliminate accidents related to the irresponsible behavior of tourists and poaching. Accidents such as the bear Magda and the bear Cuba, the murder of the little bear in the Valley Chochołowska and accidents with the horses Jordek and Jukon attracked media attention. Perhaps this is because people think that, in the Tatra National Park, bad animals living there live there. Nothing could be further from the truth. It depends on the people and animals living there whether there will be conditions for a safe, peaceful life and reproduction.
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Faced with the question whether Christianity stimulates violence or not, the author first discusses the relationship between violence and the process of civilization (violence remains the essential component of contemporary societies), and then the role of religions in modern society (the continuous relevance of religion causes a variety of usages of religious symbols). Opposing the Gilles Deleuze's interpretation of Jesus Christ in which he is an example of unselfish love, but who is only preparing the path for the terror of the Divine Master (the cosmic terror is done by the vindicator: "Carnivorous lamb"), the author emphasizes that Christ broke the vicious circle of violence absorbing it in himself. This Christ's suffering is an active one bacause he overcame the evil by doing the good. Only God has the right of judgment, so even human non-violence, taught by Christ, is inseparably connected with God's judgment. Practice of non-violence demands faith in God's judgment and such faith is the best proof of the incompatibility of violence with crucified Messiah.
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The problem that is being analyzed in this article is whether a cultural pressure to practice female genital mutilation (hereinafter referred to as “FGM”) prevalent in a particular area has to be considered as a sufficient reason to grant asylum. The major purpose of this study is to determine whether the problem written above can be resolved while considering the following: reasons and consequences of FGM, forms of cultural pressure and how this pressure correlates with human rights and freedoms, conditions for granting asylum, scientific and case law sources. Two primary methods were employed in this study: comparative and analyzes of scientific articles, legal documents and case law to investigate key aspects of asylum and human rights law. The methods were implemented depending on specific research tasks. Initial hypothesis researched in this paper is that cultural pressure to practice FGM has to be considered as a sufficient reason to grant asylum if there is a real possibility of persecution. This article is composed of four chapters, each of them dealing with different stages of research. First chapter presents the concept of female genital mutilation and explains why this topic was chosen for study. Second chapter demonstrates reasons and consequences of FGM. Third chapter discusses forms of cultural pressure and how this pressure results to violation of fundamental human rights and freedoms. Forth chapter analyzes conditions for granting asylum, presents important case law decisions and compares scientists and courts positions. The research shows that there is a discussion in the asylum law cases whether under the provisions of Convention relating to the Status of Refugees adopted on 28 July 1951 FGM constitutes persecution, whether woman from a tribe where FGM is practiced is a member of a particular social group, whether she was being persecuted for reasons of membership of that group, whether her home country is unable or unwilling to protect her from such persecution and whether there is no possibility of internal relocation. Looking from the international human rights perspective, it is notable that asylum law is meant to protect individuals from fundamental human rights violations when their home country cannot do so. In the beginning, this protection was orientated to deal with consequences of World War II and its refugees that usually were persecuted for their race, religion, nationality or political opinion, however, when the situation has changed international community started to perceive other forms of persecution. While examining the conditions for granting asylum, this paper analyzes whether female genital mutilation procedure violates international human rights to such an extent that women from a community which uses cultural pressure to practice FGM are eligible for asylum. The procedure of female genital mutilation is quite a cruel one: it is performed without anesthesia with any sharp object (kitchen knives, razor blades, scalpels, broken glass, sharp stones) in unsanitary conditions. During the procedure and after it women face short-term and long-term consequences such as excruciating pain, psychological trauma, pain or insensitivity during sexual intercourse, complications during childbirth, increased susceptibility to diseases and infections and even death. Hence, international organizations have recognized female genital mutilation as violation of human rights. However, there is still a question whether the cultural pressure to practice female genital mutilation also has to be considered as human rights violation. This paper argues that communities, which practice FGM for reasons of marking their cultural identity, religion, tradition, patriarchal system, sexual control of a woman, make an intense cultural pressure on women which violates fundamental human rights such as right to life, bodily integrity, freedom and safety, right to be free from torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and when the procedure is performed on children plenty of international rights of the child set out in Convention of the Rights of Child are being violated. However, if a woman, her parents or relatives oppose the practice and refuse to perform FGM, the woman is usually separated from the community. This separation in Africa where community ties are especially strong results in other than FGM form of persecution – separation from land, other resources and protection which means separation from resources that are essential for living. Consequently, when there is no alternative to persecution the cultural pressure to practice female genital mutilation has to be considered as a sufficient reason to grant asylum.
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This text deals with important events in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of the twentieth century, especially during 1991-1992, and first of all, regarding to historical science, relevant scientific knowledge, including the results of its own scientific research, the causes of common Yugoslav state breakdown, the causes and goals of the attack on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian genocidal ideology, intentions and politics of Bosniaks exterminating, national, ethnic and religious groups as such, planning and preparing aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against Bosniaks. This was resulted by creation of a Serbian quasigovernmental creation in Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (January 9, 1992), the puppet regime of Serbia and Montenegro / the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, of genocidal character. And after two and a half decades, many historical forgeries are presented about these events, for ideological and political reasons, and on the bases of military defeated fascist ideologies and politics in the Second World War, many lies are served, the documents are denied, events are interpreted without any support in archive material and relevant knowledge in them and the domestic and international public is misled, which continues to infect the Western Balkans and countries in the region, especially younger generations, in which the Serbian nationalist political and intellectual elites play a dominant role, and numerous - many quasi-researchers.
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Violence against women and children is a major problem in Turkey. The number of court cases which include violence against women and children has increased substantially in recent years. In the legal proceedings, particularly in the case of homicide of women, the release of the defendant, or good conduct abatement gathers a lot of criticism. In cases where the public feels that the justice mechanism fails to be fair, individuals respond through social media. After legislative, executive and judicial power, “media” is considered to be the fourth power. In addition, it is gaining more power in digitalization era. Twitter provides its users the opportunity to shared their messages fast and easy. The study was supported by examples of “Tweets” prepared to raise awareness of the violence. Raising awareness through social media is becoming more popular among parts of society, with the hope that it will have an impact on the legal processes, favoring the defendant in terms of fairness and speed. This study focuses on several cases involving violence against women and children in which the reactions on social media has resulted in reversal of the courts’ decisions. The analysis confirms that social media is increasingly used as an outside force for proper functioning of the justice.
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The paper theoretically and empirically analyzes girl‘s crime and especially is oriented toward possible identifying of two distinct subgroups of girls offenders: aggressive and nonaggressive. Considering that in criminological literature term aggression is not the same as the term violence, we decided to conduct two analyzes: comparison of aggressive and nonaggressive girls as well as comparison of violent and nonviolent. The study is based on the sample of 59 juvenile girls and the data obtained in four departments of the Center for Social Work in Belgrade for the period 2009–2019. We used chi-square test and binary regression (SPSS program) to evaluate relatedness between independent variables on three different levels (individual, family and social) and distinction based on aggression/violence of girls. First of all, we concluded that the classification of girls on aggressive and nonaggressive is more relevant than classification on violent/nonviolent. On individual level only one independent variable was statistically significant and that was the age. Younger girls tend to commit more aggressive acts in comparison to nonaggressive. On the family level following variables are of significant importance: psychopathology of fathers including alcohol and substance abuse, aggressive behavior and criminal conviction. Furthermore, the number of stressfull life events such as change of caregivers due to divorce, detah or deprivation of parental rights explains why some girls behave aggressively. Also, parental disciplinary practice is of special importance considering that inadequate discipline of both parents influences the aggressive as well as the violent outcome in girls. Finally, experience of physical victimization in the family is a strong predictor for aggressive as well as for violent behaviour. The same is true for the family violence between parents. On the social level of analysis we tested two variables: the role of peers and school achievement. Both are important in prediction of aggression. If juvenile girls have peers prone to criminal activities it is more possible for them to behave aggressively. As for the school achievement we concluded that success in both elementary and high school influences girls to be aggressive or violent. As for the termination of education and expulsion relatedness does not exist. Study has some limitations. Due to the relatively small sample it is necessary in future research to test the influence of analyzed variables. Also, we could not obtain data for other independent variables and this should be also done (for example in many files we could not determine the level of girl‘s intelligence, depression, anxiety and conduct disorder). Furthermore, future research should try to make more detailed classification of girls offenders in order to differentiate between those who commit only aggressive acts, those who commit both aggressive and nonaggressive acts and those who are not aggressive at all. The last group needs to be classified into further subgroups with regard to crimes committed.
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The region of Middle East has been for centuries space of interweaving of interests of power holders, both within the countries of the region and major world powers. The favorable geographical position and significant reserves of natural resources, principally oil, make the Middle East, in terms of security, very sensitive. Clash of civilizations and religions in the region and the locations of the most important holy places for both Christianity and Islam were historically a stumbling rock and a great obstacle to peace and prosperity. The aim of this article is to point out and to attempt to answer the question how Islamic State can influence on a global security. Considering the complexity of the security reality in the Middle East, it can be said that the importance is reflected in the fact that it provides a contribution to its knowing the aspect that arises from the problem issues.
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Przemoc małżeńska jest trudnym doświadczeniem, na zawsze albo na bardzo długo burzącym spokój życia rodzinnego, odbierającym pokrzywdzonym poczucie bezpieczeństwa – jedną z najważniejszych potrzeb człowieka. Wobec tego problemu nie można pozostać obojętnym. W związku z tym system prawny państwa zapewnia określone mechanizmy, mające chronić osoby doznające przemocy. Czy są to narzędzia skuteczne? Przedkładany artykuł omawia to zagadnienie, udzielając odpowiedzi na tak postawione pytanie, w oparciu o wyniki badań zrealizowanych w ramach międzynarodowego projektu SNaP „Special Needs and Protection Orders” z programu Daphne III. Badania o charakterze jakościowym (wielokrotne studium przypadku) przeprowadzono wśród praktyków, na co dzień zawodowo zajmujących się przemocą w rodzinie, uzupełnione zostały o wyniki analizy akt z Sądu Rejonowego w Białymstoku. W zależności od reprezentowanego obszaru pomocy, wybrane sposoby ochrony kobiet doświadczających przemocy małżeńskiej oceniane są przez praktyków inaczej, bardziej lub mnie pozytywnie. Polaryzacja opinii jest rzeczą naturalną. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, iż skuteczność zapewniania bezpieczeństwa osobom pokrzywdzonym w wyniku agresywnych zachowań domowników jest coraz większa, a o wciąż istniejących niedomaganiach systemu trzeba mówić, by zostały one w przyszłości udoskonalone.
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W artykule przedstawiono analizę wyników badań przeprowadzonych wśród osób nieletnich przebywających w zakładach resocjalizacyjnych (stanowiących grupę kryterialną) oraz wśród młodzieży ze szkół licealnych pozostającej w zgodzie z normami prawnymi (stanowiących grupę kontrolną). Celem przeprowadzonych badań była analiza istniejących różnic i związków między negatywnymi zdarzeniami życiowymi a ogólnym poziomem agresywności oraz jej wymiarami (agresją fizyczną, agresją werbalną, gniewem i wrogością). Zastosowane narzędzia badawcze to: Kwestionariusz ankiety oraz Kwestionariusz Agresji Bussa-Perry’ego. Badania miały charakter ilościowy. Analiza danych z wykorzystaniem testu t-Studenta oraz Chi-kwadrat wykazała szereg istotnych różnic w nasileniu ogólnego poziomu agresywności i jej wymiarów oraz w zakresie występowania negatywnych zdarzeń życiowych między badanymi grupami. Analiza korelacji z wykorzystaniem współczynnika r-Pearsona między negatywnymi zdarzeniami życiowymi a agresywnością (i jej wymiarami) ujawniła istotne związki między zmiennymi wyłącznie w grupie młodzieży z zakładów resocjalizacyjnych. Z kolei analiza regresji w grupie osób nieletnich z zakładów resocjalizacyjnych wykazała, że najistotniejszymi predykatorami warunkującymi wzrost agresywności (i jej wymiarów) są negatywne zdarzenia życiowe dotyczące w pierwszej kolejności środowiska szkolnego. Istotne okazały się również czynniki dotyczące choroby własnej lub osób bliskich oraz bycie ofiarą przemocy w rodzinie lub bycie ofiarą przestępstwa.
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Celem niniejszego opracowania było przedstawienie specyficznych czynników ryzyka, które różnią sprawców i sprawczynie dopuszczających się wykorzystywania seksualnego wobec dzieci, a także omówienie oddziaływań terapeutycznych stosowanych wobec kobiet i mężczyzn będących sprawcami tych czynów. W szczególności zwrócono uwagę na warunki zastosowania dwóch modeli terapeutycznych MBT i FBT oraz terapii gender blind i gender bias.Wskazanie różnic zarówno w zakresie czynników ryzyka jak specyfiki działania sprawców i sprawczyń przemocy seksualnej uzasadnia potrzebę odmiennego traktowania terapeutycznego i resocjalizacyjnego obu kategorii. Tradycyjne i stereotypowe traktowanie kobiet uwikłanych w przemoc seksualną jako ofiar i poddawanie ich terapii dla ofiar nie znajduje w wielu wypadkach uzasadnienia, podobnie jak i stosowanie wobec nich standardowych rozwiązań praktykowanych wobec sprawców płci męskiej. Podejmowane wobec sprawczyń oddziaływania wymagają uwzględnienia nie tylko specyfiki ich sytuacji życiowej, pełnionych ról społecznych ale także złożonych następstw procesu pierwotnej i wtórnej wiktymizacji. Oddziaływania podejmowane wobec sprawców i sprawczyń tego typu czynów, zarówno w warunkach izolacyjnych jak i ambulatoryjnych nie powinny być sprofilowane pod kątem stereotypowego postrzegania kobiety i mężczyzny uwikłanych w problem przemocy seksualnej. Niezbędne jest zatem wyjście poza ten stereotypowy schemat i zastosowanie niezunifikowanych rozwiązań.
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The aim of this study was to present the specific risk factors that differentiate the male and female perpetrators of child sexual abuse, and to discuss the therapeutic effects applied to women and men who perform such acts. In particular, the conditions of application of the two therapeutic models MBT and FBT as well as the gender blind and gender bias therapy are highlighted.The differences in both the risk factors and the specifics of acting of male and female perpetrators of sexual abuse justify the need for different therapeutic and social rehabilitation treatment of both categories. Traditional and stereotypical treatment of women involved in sexual violence as victims and subjecting them to therapies for victims is in many cases not justified, nor is the application of standard solutions typically used against male perpetrators. The actions taken towards female perpetrators require taking into account not only the specificity of their life situation, their social roles but also the complex consequences of the process of primary and secondary victimization. The actions taken against male and female perpetrators of such acts, both in isolation and outpatient settings, should not be profiled in terms of the stereotypical perception of a woman and a man entangled in sexual violence. It is therefore necessary to go beyond this stereotypical pattern and to use non-standard solutions.
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Domestic violence is a difficult experience, which either forever or for a very long time destroys the peace of family life, depriving the victims of a sense of security – one of the most important human needs. No one can remain indifferent to this problem. In this respect, the legal system of the state provides specific mechanisms to protect victims of domestic violence. Are these tools effective? The presented article discusses this issue, providing an answer to such a question, based on the results of research carried out under the international project entitled SNaP – “Special Needs and Protection Orders” from the Daphne III programme. Qualitative research (multiplied case study) was conducted among practitioners who deal with domestic violence on a daily basis, and was supplemented by the results of analysis of files from the District Court in Białystok. Depending on the field of support represented, the selected methods of protecting women experiencing domestic violence are assessed by practitioners differently, more or less positively. A polarization of opinions is natural. There is no doubt, however, that the effectiveness of providing security for people suffering from aggressive behavior of the household members is increasing, and that the remaining faults of the system need to be addressed in order to improve them in the future.
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The article presents an analysis of the results of research carried out among minors staying in rehabilitation facilities (the criterion group) and among high school students who comply with legal standards (the control group). The aim of the conducted research was to analyze the existing differences and relations between negative life events and the general level of aggressiveness and its aspects (physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility). The research tools applied include: The Questionnaire and the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire. The research was of quantitative nature. The data analysis using the Student’s t-test and the Chi-square test showed a number of significant differences in the severity of the general level of aggressiveness and its aspects and in the occurrence of negative life events between the research groups. The analysis of correlations using the Pearson’s r coefficient between negative life events and aggressiveness (and its aspects) revealed significant relations between variables only in the group of youth from rehabilitation facilities. On the other hand, regression analysis in the group of minors from rehabilitation facilities showed that the most important predictors determining the increase in aggressiveness (and its aspects) are the negative life events relating primarily to the school environment. Factors relating to one’s own or a relative’s illness and being a victim of domestic violence or a victim of crime have also proved to be important.
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The purpose of the article is to present selected results of research into the feeling of territorial identification in a group of adolescents suffering from maladjustment in the context of their antisocial behavior. In the case of the present research, the feeling of identification is hierarchically related to five circles: residential, regional, national, European and global. The research was conducted using the diagnostic opinion poll method, within the scope of which the survey technique was utilized. In order to construct a picture of defective social functioning, the thesis employs the Social Maladjustment Scale by Lesław Pytka. In total, 481 pupils of youth educational centers were surveyed. Statistical data analysis did not indicate any differences in the feelings of territorial identification related to the intensity level of antisocial behavior in the group of adolescents from youth educational centers.
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The exponential development of virtual collective communication favours notonly the personal development of individuals but also new ways of expressing negativefeelings and thoughts stimulated by the possibility of anonymity and real timedissemination of the opinions. Actually any field of the social life can be reached by thephenomenon of discursive aggression and online harassment, as well as by the launchingof rumours or expressing unfavourable opinions towards an individual, a social group(regardless of the catalyst that underpinned its creation – ethnicity , religious,professional or other) or a community.The new form of harassment, called cyberbullying, can reach mass dimensionswhen its support are social platforms that favour the rapid distribution of content,adhesion and rallying to a cause, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram or YouTube, andthe forms in which carry out include: repeated humiliation of a person; sending obscenemessages and offensive content; ridiculing by creating a bogus account or blogcontaining biased information. From the same perspective, online aggression can havemultiple effects, manifested individually or together: diminishing the sense of security;increasing anxiety; changes in mood or behaviour; feeding racial or religious prejudices.On the other hand, whatever it is called cyberbullying, cyberstalking or hatespeech, online aggression can be speculated by entities interested in generating shorttermor medium-term social tensions or animosities among supporters of divergingpolitical trends, with direct impact on the occurrence of violent incidents, and in the longterm generate a fracture between governors and citizens, or even to a diminished thecohesion of a nation, social disorder and dilution of the rule of law.
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Harassment is characterized by intentionality, repetitiveness and the existence of an imbalance in the aggressor-victim power balance. With regard to online harassment, known as cyberbullying, there is currently no unanimously accepted definition and no academic agreement on how the three components of the definition of offline harassment might overlap with online harassment. The latest study by Bitdefender company shows that in 2017, four out of five Romanian teenagers said they were bullied online, most often aggressions being focused on the way the targets shows or dresses, and on the second place is the passions of free time, followed by the financial level of the family of origin, school results and sexual preferences. So far, concrete cases of cyberbullying with targets or authors among Romanian citizens have been extremely limited in quantity, a possible explanation of the lack of visibility could be the absence of a tragic outcome or the retention of victims from telling their story. Another dimension of online aggression is based on racial or ethnic intolerance, exemplifying situations being those where anti-Semitic or anti-Muslim views have been catalysed by punctual events, sometimes without immediate significance, but which have been speculated for the liberation of negative narrations in the virtual environment, maybe expressions of dormant resentment of historical character.
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In December 2010, when Tunisia set the tone for a wave of uprisings that shook the Middle East and overthrew two of its longest-standing and most entrenched rulers – Hosni Mubarak in Egypt and Tunisia’s own president Ben Ali – many scholars, pundits, and media professionals hailed the events which would later be dubbed “the Arab Spring” as the unmistakable sign that the region, long considered a hotbed for authoritarianism and dictatorship, was inexorably moving towards democracy. And media, especially social media, but also Qatari TV channel Al Jazeera, were seen as the conduit through which western-style liberal democracy would spread throughout the region – to the extent that the events were widely regarded as a genuine “social media” revolution. Yet, less two years after the outbreak of the uprisings, it was gradually becoming clear that, by and large, the Arab Spring was failing to deliver the expected democratic outcomes, despite signs of progress in Tunisia and Egypt. So how and why did the social media revolution fail? How was it possible that, despite massive and exemplary social media mobilisation and television exposure, no meaningful and lasting change occurred in most of the countries affected, some of which (Syria or Yemen) descended into bloody civil wars? These are the main questions the present contribution aims at answering, starting from the premise that, in the case of the Arab Spring, the lesson to be learned is that, although social media may have been a necessary condition to achieve a certain level of mobilisation and spread the message, it was far from sufficient in bringing about democratic change or at least in sustaining the momentum needed for such change to come about and that, overall, in retrospect, it was credited with far too much potential and it certainly proved its limitations.
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This study examined bullying and cyberbullying among 185 middle school students in 4 urban middle schools in Ohio. Nearly 60% of the sample was female, and 67% of the sample was not Caucasian. The results indicated that bullying and cyberbullying are prevalent in this population. Approximately 44% of 6th-grade students felt terrible about themselves due to bullying, and 62% of all female students believed other students had spread false rumors about them. On average, female students reported more bullying in their school than males. Caucasian students reported the highest rate of cyberbullying. Based on their findings, the authors discussed the issues surrounding bullying in urban schools and gave suggestions regarding approaches that can help students better cope with bullying.
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