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With Their Backs to the Mountains is the history of a stateless people, the Carpatho-Rusyns, and their historic homeland, Carpathian Rus’, located in the heart of central Europe. A little over 100,000 Carpatho-Rusyns are registered in official censuses but their number could be as high as 1,000,000, the greater part living in Ukraine and Slovakia. The majority of the diaspora—nearly 600,000—lives in the US. At present, when it is fashionable to speak of nationalities as “imagined communities” created by intellectuals or elites who may or may not live in the historic homeland, Carpatho-Rusyns provide an ideal example of a people made—or some would say still being made—before our very eyes. The book traces the evolution of Carpathian Rus’ from earliest prehistoric times to the present, and the complex manner in which a distinct Carpatho-Rusyn people, since the mid-nineteenth century, came into being, disappeared, and then re-appeared in the wake of the revolutions of 1989 and the collapse of Communist rule in central and eastern Europe. To help guide the reader further there are 39 text inserts, 34 detailed maps, plus an annotated discussion of relevant books, chapters, and journal articles.
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Where Currents Meet, Tanya Zaharchenko’s path-breaking study of literature and cultural memory, moves decisively beyond the simplistic view of a post-Soviet Ukraine divided between east and west. It positions the Ukrainian and Russian components of cultural experience in the country’s east as elements of a complex continuum. Combining insights from memory studies and border studies, Zaharchenko analyzes a generation of younger writers in the city of Kharkiv—a “doubletake generation” that came of age at the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse and now revisits this experience through fiction. In the works of Serhiy Zhadan, Andreĭ Krasniashchikh, Yuri Tsaplin, Oleh Kotsarev, and others the author reveals how borderlands and frontiers, both geographical and conceptual, acquire zonal qualities of their own as these writers navigate the historical legacy they have inherited.
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Sara Radik: Beleške ka feminističkoj materinskoj politici mira Staša Zajović: Feministički antimilitarizam Bojan Aleksov : Opiranje jugoslovenskim ratovima: Ka jednoj autoetnografiji
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Majke protiv rata: jul i avgust 1991. godine Pobune rezervista i dezertera u Srbiji: Pobunjenici protiv rata Žene iz Trešnjevca – Duhovna republika „Zicer” Bojan Tončić: Ratno stanje na njivu, brate Snežana Jakovljević – Alternativa Godinu dana posle: Sećanje na majske proteste Kruševljana, roditelja i rođaka mobilisanih vojnika i Bojan Tončić: Mrtvi i živi Roditelji u crnom: „Nekažnjeni zločini!“ Osam godina od ubistva gardista u Topčideru – Saopštenje Centra za atlantskeintegracije i žena u crnom, 5. oktobar 2012. Bojan Tončić: Pozivar je srce Srbije
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Estonia is perhaps the only country in Europe that lacks a comprehensive history of its Jewish minority. Spanning over 150 years of Estonian Jewish history, On the Margins fills this lacuna. Rebuilding a life beyond so-called Pale of Jewish Settlement, the Jewish cultural autonomy in interwar Estonia, and the trauma of Soviet occupation of 1940–41 are but few issues addressed in the book. Most profoundly, the book wrestles with the subject of the Holocaust and its legacy in Estonia. Specifically, it examines the quasi-legal system of murder instituted in Nazi-occupied Estonia, confiscation of Jewish property, and Jewish forced labor camps. One the Margins develops an analysis of the causes of collaboration in the Holocaust and explains the dynamics of war crimes trials in the Soviet Union since the 1960s and so-called denaturalization trials in the United States in the 1980s. The haunting memory of Soviet and Nazi rule, the book concludes, prevents a larger segment of the Estonian population today from facing up to the Holocaust and the universal message that it carries
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Focusing upon a region in Southern Bulgaria, a region that has been the crossroads between Europe and Asia for many centuries, this book describes how former Ottoman Empire Muslims were transformed into citizens of Balkan nation-states. This is a region marked by shifting borders, competing Turkish and Bulgarian sovereignties, rival nationalisms, and migration. Problems such as these were ultimately responsible for the disintegration of the dynastic empires into nation-states. Land that had traditionally belonged to Muslims—individually or communally—became a symbolic and material resource for Bulgarian state building and was the terrain upon which rival Bulgarian and Turkish nationalisms developed in the wake of the dissolution of the late Ottoman Empire and the birth of early republican Turkey and the introduction of capitalism.By the outbreak of World War II, Turkish Muslims had become a polarized national minority. Their conflicting efforts to adapt to post-Ottoman Bulgaria brought attention to the increasingly limited availability of citizenship rights, not only to Turkish Muslims, but to Bulgarian Christians as well.
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Celkový život slovenskej spoločnosti v minulom storočí rozhodujúcim spôsobom ovplyvnil zánik Rakúsko-Uhorskej monarchie, účasť slovenskej politickej reprezentácie na tvorbe nového štátneho útvaru a jej rozhodnutie vstúpiť do spoločnej Česko-Slovenskej republiky. Vznikli nové historické podmienky na uplatnenie národných, politických, hospodárskych, sociálnych a kultúrnych ambícii aké v minulosti neboli mysliteľné. Rovnako existovali mantinely vnútropolitického ale mimoriadne zahraničnopolitického charakteru, ktoré tento proces ovplyvňovali, determinovali a obmedzovali. Nebolo podstatné len to, že slovenský národ vstupoval do nového štátneho útvaru s historicky podmieneným spoločenským hendikepom vyplývajúceho z odlišných podmienok celkového predchádzajúceho spoločensko politického vývoja českých krajín, Slovenska a mimoriadne Podkarpatskej Rusi. Veľmi rýchlo sa objavili priamo nekompatibilné predstavy o štátoprávnom postavení Slovenska v republike a ďalšom budovaní spoločného štátu. Bolo priamo prirodzené, že rastúce národné ambície slovenského národa v podstatnej miere umožnené demokratickými podmienkami vývoja v novom štáte narážali na koncepčné predstavy českých elít jednoznačne uprednostňujúcich predovšetkým snahu vybudovať silný jednotný štát. Jeho základom mal byť jednotný etnicky československý národ aj vzhľadom k skutočnosti, že v štáte existovala silná etnická nemecká komunita. Problém integrácie Slovenska do nového štátu, stotožnenie sa slovenskej spoločnosti s republikou, primárna otázka vzťahu národa k štátu začali pomerne rýchle rezonovať po 28. októbri 1918, resp. po 30. októbri 1918. V plnej nahote sa vnášali do politických bojov a spôsobovali, že zápasy politických strán sprevádzala krvavá stopa nevraživosti ako jednoznačný symptóm len pomalého a postupného akceptovania demokratických zásad a demokratickej politickej kultúry v živote spoločnosti. Demokratický režim nového štátu, bez ohľadu na výhrady, resp. kritické pripomienky voči nemu zastihol slovenskú spoločnosť nepripravenú okamžite pochopiť jeho podstatu a zmysel, osvojiť si jeho princípy a len postupne a do určitej miery sa začal meniť prístup k novému politickému systému a jeho plnému rešpektovaniu. Konfrontačné prvky sa však výrazne vnášali aj do sociálnych zápasov, pričom snaha vyťažiť z nich politicky kapitál bola viac-menej evidentná. V tomto kontexte ani zápas o štátoprávne postavenie Slovenska v republike nebol výnimkou. Postupne však, ale jednoznačne v tridsiatych rokoch, dochádzalo k podstatným zmenám a vylúčeniu konfrontačných, krvavých stretnutí v politických a sociálnych zápasoch. Vplýval na to aj proces politického „dozrievania“ slovenského národa, keď rástlo národné povedomie a sebavedomie mimoriadne u mladej nastupujúcej inteligencie. Na druhej strane sa riešenie problému komplikovalo zložitým postavením nového štátu. V druhej polovici tridsiatych rokov sa začalo stupňovať bezprostredné ohrozenie samostatnosti a existencie republiky. Postupne sa dochádzalo k presvedčeniu, že nacistické Nemecko ohrozuje nielen samostatnosť ale priamo existenciu národov Československa. Ani v tomto období sa však nepodarilo odstrániť rozporuplné predstavy o štátoprávnom postavení Slovenska, ktoré rezonovali v slovenskej spoločnosti a ešte ostrejšie v kontaktoch medzi českými politickými elitami a jednotlivými politickými subjektmi na Slovensku. Bolo tomu tak napriek skutočnosti, že v spoločnosti všeobecne silnelo volanie po urovnaní vzájomných vzťahov ako predpokladu posilnenia odhodlania obyvateľstva brániť štát a vydobyté slobody po roku 1918. Predstavitelia politických strán na Slovensku sa nedokázali ani koncom tridsiatych rokov dohodnúť na formulovaní koncepčnej predstavy o mieste Slovenskej krajiny v štáte a už vôbec nie nejaký program spoločne obhajovať. Ich predstavy boli odlišné, rozdielne a protikladné, čo vyplývalo z ich politickej orientácie, ale mali jednu spoločnú ústrednú myšlienku, existujúce postavenie Slovenska v republike je neudržateľné; Slovensko potrebuje zmenu. Táto predstava rezonovala v celej slovenskej spoločnosti aj keď v rozdielnom rozsahu a v rozdielnych. konkrétnych predstavách Je symptomatické, ale v politických procesoch vývoja malého národa typické, že k zásadným rozhodujúcim vývojovým zmenám môže a dochádza v dôsledku kardinálnych prevratov na medzinárodnej scéne, v medzinárodných vzťahoch, veľmocenských presunoch, pod vplyvom agresie a pod. Nemožno pochybovať, že predstavy rôznych slovenských politických strán sa koncom tridsiatych rokov aj pod tlakom ohrozenia štátu a vyriešenia tohto problému ako posilnenia pozícii republiky približovali, hľadalo sa kompromisné, prijateľné riešenie. Je však nespochybniteľným faktom, že k zásadnému politicko mocenskému rozuzleniu tohto problému mohlo a došlo len pod tlakom zahraničnopolitického otrasu veľkého rozmeru. Diktát veľmocí v Mníchove a jeho vnútropolitické a zahraničnopolitické dôsledky umožnili, že sa mohla presadiť v danom momente maximalistická koncepcia riešenia slovenskej otázky vo forme federatívnej prestavby republiky. Je rovnako symptomatické, že následná zmena režimu smerovala jednoznačne k odbúraniu demokratického systému a budovania autoritatívneho režimu. Je ďalej príznačné, že Slovenský štát vznikol za situácie a podmienok, v rámci ktorých boli rozhodujúce zahraničnopolitické vplyvy a nie ambície politikov na Slovensku. Vybrané publikované štúdie chcú čiastočne prispieť k poznaniu týchto problémov, následkov a dôsledkov pre život spoločnosti a jej ďalšie politické smerovanie. Pritom je primárne koncentrovanie na politické rozmery týchto problémov s cieľom súčasne prispieť k poznaniu ako sa chcela republika brániť proti nacistickej agresii. Súčasne publikované, a v jednom prípade nepublikovaná štúdia o organizácii bezpečnosti na Balkáne, ukazujú ako chápali a riešili problémy bezpečnosti spojenci Československa v Malej dohode, resp. aké predstavy sa v podunajských štátoch prezentovali v oblasti integrácie a organizácie bezpečnosti. Spájanie problematiky všeobecných a národných dejín dáva príležitosť na podrobnejšie objasnenie toho ako reagovala slovenská spoločnosť na Mníchovskú dohodu, ale aj umožňuje naznačiť ako došlo a prečo došlo k mníchovskému diktátu z 29. septembra 1938. Prirodzene v niektorých štúdiách sa opakujú syntetickým spôsobom všeobecné úvahy, bez ktorých však by nebolo možné písať o konkrétnych ale aj teoretických predstavách a činnosti E. Beneša, M. Hodžu, J. Tisa. Priložené dokumenty považujeme za dôležité pri poznaní a hodnotení postoja E. Beneša k slovenskej otázke, ale aj jeho prístupu k publikovaniu dokumentov a následnému utváraniu jeho politického imidžu. Dokazuje to aj uverejnenie dokumentov, v spolupráci s Mgr. Barbarou Píseckou, o dohode slovenských , resp. politických strán zo Slovenska v Žiline 6. októbra 1938 a postojoch prezidenta a vlády k týmto otázkam. Vedecké štúdie sa publikujú v pôvodnom rozsahu. Viaceré z nich vyšli v zahraničí. Ich pôvodný zmysel smeroval k predneseniu daných problémov na zahraničných, resp. medzinárodných konferenciách a následne bol transformovaný na podmienky vedecky publikovaných prác predpokladu posilnenia odhodlania obyvateľstva brániť štát a vydobyté slobody po roku 1918. Predstavitelia politických strán na Slovensku sa nedokázali ani koncom tridsiatych rokov dohodnúť na formulovaní koncepčnej predstavy o mieste Slovenskej krajiny v štáte a už vôbec nie nejaký program spoločne obhajovať. Ich predstavy boli odlišné, rozdielne a protikladné, čo vyplývalo z ich politickej orientácie, ale mali jednu spoločnú ústrednú myšlienku, existujúce postavenie Slovenska v republike je neudržateľné; Slovensko potrebuje zmenu. Táto predstava rezonovala v celej slovenskej spoločnosti aj keď v rozdielnom rozsahu a v rozdielnych. konkrétnych predstavách Je symptomatické, ale v politických procesoch vývoja malého národa typické, že k zásadným rozhodujúcim vývojovým zmenám môže a dochádza v dôsledku kardinálnych prevratov na medzinárodnej scéne, v medzinárodných vzťahoch, veľmocenských presunoch, pod vplyvom agresie a pod. Nemožno pochybovať, že predstavy rôznych slovenských politických strán sa koncom tridsiatych rokov aj pod tlakom ohrozenia štátu a vyriešenia tohto problému ako posilnenia pozícii republiky približovali, hľadalo sa kompromisné, prijateľné riešenie. Je však nespochybniteľným faktom, že k zásadnému politicko mocenskému rozuzleniu tohto problému mohlo a došlo len pod tlakom zahraničnopolitického otrasu veľkého rozmeru. Diktát veľmocí v Mníchove a jeho vnútropolitické a zahraničnopolitické dôsledky umožnili, že sa mohla presadiť v danom momente maximalistická koncepcia riešenia slovenskej otázky vo forme federatívnej prestavby republiky. Je rovnako symptomatické, že následná zmena režimu smerovala jednoznačne k odbúraniu demokratického systému a budovania autoritatívneho režimu. Je ďalej prí- značné, že Slovenský štát vznikol za situácie a podmienok, v rámci ktorých boli rozhodujúce zahraničnopolitické vplyvy a nie ambície politikov na Slovensku. Vybrané publikované štúdie chcú čiastočne prispieť k poznaniu týchto problémov, následkov a dôsledkov pre život spoločnosti a jej ďalšie politické smerovanie. Pritom je primárne koncentrovanie na politické rozmery týchto problémov s cieľom súčasne prispieť k poznaniu ako sa chcela republika brániť proti nacistickej agresii. Súčasne publikované, a v jednom prípade nepublikovaná štúdia o organizácii bezpečnosti na Balkáne, ukazujú ako chápali a riešili problémy bezpečnosti spojenci Československa v Malej dohode, resp. aké predstavy sa v podunajských štátoch prezentovali v oblasti integrácie a organizácie bezpečnosti. Spájanie problematiky všeobecných a národných dejín dáva príležitosť na podrobnejšie objasnenie toho ako reagovala slovenská spoločnosť na Mníchovskú dohodu, ale aj umožňuje naznačiť ako došlo a prečo došlo k mníchovskému diktátu z 29. septembra 1938. Prirodzene v niektorých štúdiách sa opakujú syntetickým spôsobom všeobecné úvahy, bez ktorých však by nebolo možné písať o konkrétnych ale aj teoretických predstavách a činnosti E. Beneša, M. Hodžu, J. Tisa. Priložené dokumenty považujeme za dôležité pri poznaní a hodnotení postoja E. Beneša k slovenskej otázke, ale aj jeho prístupu k publikovaniu dokumentov a následnému utváraniu jeho politického imidžu. Dokazuje to aj uverejnenie dokumentov, v spolupráci s Mgr. Barbarou Píseckou, o dohode slovenských , resp. politických strán zo Slovenska v Žiline 6. októbra 1938 a postojoch prezidenta a vlády k týmto otázkam. Vedecké štúdie sa publikujú v pôvodnom rozsahu. Viaceré z nich vyšli v zahraničí. Ich pôvodný zmysel smeroval k predneseniu daných problémov na zahraničných, resp. medzinárodných konferenciách a následne bol transformovaný na podmienky vedecky publikovaných prác.
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The book constitutes the first of the two volumes of the publication entitled „The Silesian Moniuszko. The reception of the figure and the output of the composer in Upper Silesia. A sociological study”, based on research conducted by the author during the work on the dissertation entitled „The construction of national identity through music. The reception of the figure and the output of the composer in Upper Silesia in the 20th century. A sociological study”. The construction of national identity through music is a long process whose bulk progresses in the intersubjective space of social life. The indicator of the occurrence of this process has to do with situations in which the execution and the reception of selected pieces of music, or the reception of the figures of the composers who consciously perform the role of activists engaged in the life of their national community, or to whom the creators of reception ascribe the performance of such a role is accompanied by a process of mythologisation of the given pieces of artistic work to the status of national symbols and that of the given composers to the status of national artists in music. This process is resented on the basis of the example of the reception of the figure and the output of Stanisław Moniuszko. „Listy Stanisława Moniuszki” [„The Letters of Stanisław Moniuszko”] edited by Witold Rudziński and Magdalena Stokowska, were analysed from the perspective of humanist sociology. I focused on an analysis of press reports and the extant written statements of the composer (testimony of the reception of the works of Moniuszko), from which one may draw information about the context of the creation, execution and the presence of the works of Stanisław Moniuszko in the intersubjective cultural space peculiar to a given category of recipients. Moreover, an analysis was conducted upon the ways in which the Moniuszko narration, created by the Związek Śląskich Kół Śpiewaczych [the Association of Silesian Circles of Songsters] in the first half of the 20th century, was present in the Upper Silesian culture. One adopted the periodical “Śpiewak Śląski”/“Śpiewak” of the years 1920–1948 as the unit of analysis. For me, the Moniuszko narration, whose various variants were/continue to be present in the Upper Silesian intersubjective cultural space, constitute an element of social memory/cultural memory. As such, it is involved in the ethnic/national relations (conditioned by the socio-cultural and historical context) which obtain between the inhabitants of the Silesian land, especially between Polishness and Upper Silesianness.
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The book which is devoted to the mythopoeic Moniuszko narratives featured in Upper Silesian culture is the second and the final volume of the publication entitled Silesian Moniuszko. The reception of the figure and the output of the composer in Upper Silesia. A sociological study, which is based in its entirety on the PhD dissertation of the author entitled The construction of national identity through music. The reception of the figure and the output of Stanisław Moniuszko in Upper Silesia in the 20th century. A sociological study, which was defended at the Department of Social Sciences of the University of Silesia in 2015.The book presents the results of an analysis associated with the process of the assimilation of the figure and the selected works of Stanisław Moniuszko, approached to as a cultural artefact peculiar to the intersubjective space of Polish cultural identity, to the Upper Silesian culture. What is significant is the fact that along with the transformations of Upper Silesianness which occurred in the 20th century, and especially after the Second World War, also the content which was attributed by the activists of Silesian associated amateur circles of songsters and the creators of the reception of the stage works of the composer presented in Silesia to Stanisław Moniuszko changed. The post-war Upper Silesian reception of Moniuszko formed by the authors of press statements which described the activity of the Silesian amateur choirs and instrumental ensembles – the heirs to the Association of Silesian Circles of Singers – manifested features of double-track mythologisation. On the one hand, sometimes one ascribed to Moniuszko the role of a precursor of Polish socialism, which was consistent with the agenda of the socialist Polish state. On the other hand, one maintained the narrative which rendered the figure of the composer a symbol of the Polishness of Upper Silesia, created by the Association of Silesian Circles of Songsters in the inter-war period. A particularly interesting fact is that within the framework of the activities of this amateur musical association realised after 1989 one disseminated a new Moniuszko narrative – a narrative about the friend of the Silesian team of songsters. This is interpreted as an indicator of a change of the relation which gradually came into being between Silesian culture and the cultures of other nationalities which influenced Silesianness. In the modern documents signed by the Silesian Association of Choirs and Orchestras – the heir to the Association f Silesian Circles of Songsters – Silesianness is presented not only as a value but also as a subjective space, which contains references to other nationalities, including references to Polishness.An analysis of the reception of the figure of Stanisław Moniuszko and his stage works, especially his first opera, Halka, created on the basis of a narrative which refers, respectively to: the performances of Warsaw artists conducted by Emil Młynarski in the plebiscite area in 1920, the activities of the opera stage in Teatr Polski im. Stanisława Wyspiańskiego in Katowice in 1922–1931, guest performances of Moniuszko’s works in Teatr Polski in Katowice in 1932–1939, the activities of Opera Śląska in 1945–2010, also revealed that there is a Moniuszko narrative, peculiar to this region, which refers to the first opera of the composer – “the Silesian Halka”. Another interesting thing has to do with the evolution of the content ascribed to this opera by the creators of the instances of reception which refer to the particular performance of Moniuszko’s work staged in Opera Śląski in Bytom. On the one hand, one constantly mentions the events which constitute the “Silesian heritage” of this work, on the other hand, one ascribes to the author of this work the fulfilment of social roles, whose relevance is dictated by the context of reception: a national artist in Polish music, a precursor of Polish socialism or the creator of works of universal significance.
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This book shows how the state-based and stateless ethno-nationalist forces in the four countries overlapping Kurdistan, i.e. Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq, have politically deployed religion in their nationalistic confrontations in Kurdistan as the converging area between them. The stances and actions of these different antagonistic forces are analyzed, as well as the dynamics between them. Unlike other studies on Kurdistan, it focuses on Greater Kurdistan as the arena for nationalist conflicts, instead of looking only at separate parts of Kurdistan. The research presented in this book shows that both the religious state (Iran) and so-called secular states (Turkey, Iraq and Syria) make use of religious discourse and symbols in order to impose power over ‘their part’ of Greater Kurdistan and as a way of countering Kurdish nationalist movements. The dominant ethno-nationalist groups of Fars, Turk and Arab have politically used Islam, during wars and elections, to gain and maintain their power over Kurdish areas. Conversely, Kurdish nationalist groups have also tried to neutralize those states’ policies by evoking religious symbols and discourses. Nevertheless, as the book concludes, the unequal political power balance between the four states on one side, and the stateless Kurdish nationalist groups on the other, has resulted in the latter being restricted in using religion as a means to gain power in the region.
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The book examines two different types of Ukrainian national identity tentatively defined as «Ukrainian ethnocultural» («primordial») and «Ukrainian institutional» (determined by citizenship). The substantial differences between them had been informed historically, and involve today not only ideological but also axiological aspect. The identity split had seriously complicated Ukraine’s postcommunist transformation in 1991-2013, and dramatically weakened the society and the state against the Russian aggression in 2014. The process of consolidation of Ukrainian nation that got going in the past few years, is still far from completion. The promotion of modern civic identity based on the so-called «European values» is considered as the optimal way to abate the existing dichotomy and reduce social ambivalence.
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Ovaj rad predstavlja rezultate istraživanja o etnonacionalističkom ekstremizmu u Bosni i Hercegovini. Premda otkriva neke zabrinjavajuće trendove karakteristične za sve rodne i dobne kategorije, istraživanje naglašava i neke prilike. Iskazivanje ekstremnih etnonacionalističkih gledišta kreće se u rasponu od spremnosti učesnika i učesnica da podrže svoje “ideale” samo na retoričkom nivou do spremnosti da se opravdavaju i direktno podržavaju ili počine nasilni akti. Međutim, istraživanje, u kojem su lokalni istraživači i njihovo iskustvo imali veliku ulogu, također ukazuje na to gdje postoji potencijal za izgradnju otpornosti prema ekstremizmu. Postoje jake naznake da su ispitanici koji su imali više interakcija s ljudima iz drugih etničkih/identitetskih grupa bili mnogo manje skloni podržati nasilje, mada imaju veoma izražene etnonacionalističke stavove i prepoznati su kao ekstremisti u svojim zajednicama. Također, ovo istraživanje ukazuje na to da bosanskohercegovačke političke stranke koje promoviraju nacionalizam pružaju “glavni koncept” i “glavni okvir” za etnonacionalistički ekstremizam. Ovo istraživanje ukazuje i na neke paradokse i tendencije razvijanja iliberalne demokratije u kojoj se iskazuje veće povjerenje prema jakom liderstvu s jedne strane, dok istovremeno s druge strane slabi povjerenje u formalne institucije države. Ovaj spomenuti trend, uz konsenzus većine ispitanika da korupcija, organizirani kriminal i političari predstavljaju najozbiljniju sigurnosnu prijetnju u Bosni i Hercegovini, predstavljaju najalarmantniji dio nalaza ove studije koji zahtijevaju širu društvenu akciju i uključivanje svih unutrašnjih sektora društva, od političara, intelektualaca, javnih ličnosti do medija, ali i međunarodnih organizacija kako bi se očuvale najvažnije vrijednosti pluralizma i demokratije. K tome, iako su ranija istraživanja zanemarivala važnu ulogu religije u sagledavanjima ovakvih društvenih kretanja, ovo istraživanje uzima u obzir najnovije studije koje sugeriraju da religija, a posebno njena zloupotreba i radikalna tumačenja pojačavaju etnonacionalizam i doprinose ekstremizmu. Naime, to u ovom istraživanju dodatno potvrđuju procenti iskazivanja predanosti religiji, pri čemu su gotovo svi ispitanici odgovorili kako religija igra značajnu ulogu u njihovim životima, dok je tri četvrtine ispitanika (74%) kazalo da prihvata sva učenja i zahtjeve svoje religije. Analiza rezultata koja je ovdje uključena predstavlja odmak od prethodnog istraživanja ekstremizma u Bosni i Hercegovini iz dva razloga. Prvo, zato što su prethodna istraživanja uglavnom bila fokusirana na sirijske borce i selefijske zajednice. Drugo, ovaj rad otkriva zajedničke crte etnonacionalističkih ekstremista koje se protežu širom njihovih bošnjačkih, srpskih i hrvatskih identiteta. Iako priznaju da se njihove ideologije zasnivaju na međusobnom suprotstavljanju, analiza pokazuje da stavovi i svjetonazori etnonacionalističkih ekstremista iz svih triju bosanskohercegovačkih zajednica sadrže više zajedničkih crta nego razlika. U jednom složenom političkom i društvenom okviru u kojem je etnonacionalizam u porastu ovo istraživanje doprinosi našem razumijevanju načina kako se krajnje desne i ekstremno desne ideje iznose u Bosni i Hercegovini te kako regionalni i međunarodni kontekst tome doprinosi. Istraživanje je identificiralo probleme slične onima u ostatku Evrope: antiimigracijski i antiislamski narativi i osjećaji; suprotstavljanje rodnoj ravnopravnosti; promoviranje teorija zavjera i manipulacija krizom izazvanom pandemijom COVID-19. Konzervativni vjerski diskurs je također u porastu i čini se da se na njega ne odgovara adekvatno. U Bosni i Hercegovini ovaj krajnje desni narativ uključuje i odražava etnonacionalizam koji dolazi od političkih stranaka. Aktivnosti ovih grupa u lokalnim zajednicama i online prostoru prenose ove narative i dalje ih razvijaju kroz jezik o drugome, kroz strah od imigranata, afektivnu socijalnu distancu, te podrivanjem prava žena i nastojanja na izgradnji mira. Neki ključni nalazi su: Ispitanice i ispitanici su bili skloniji prihvatiti nasilje ako imaju niži nivo obrazovanja ili su nezadovoljni svojim prihodom, porodičnim životom i životnom perspektivom. Postoji direktna veza između stavova ispitanika o rodnoj ravnopravnosti i njihove podrške nasilju, pri čemu oni koji odbacuju rodnu ravnopravnost i zagovaraju “tradicionalne vrijednosti” izražavaju veću podršku nasilju. Ispitanici koji su pokazali manje otpora prema ideji pomirenja s drugim etničkim/identitetskim grupama – koji su razumjeli da je slavljenje ratnih zločinaca iz svoje grupe uvredljivo za druge etničke grupe i koji se nisu snažno protivili ideji mješovitih brakova, prijateljstvu s ljudima izvan svoje etničke grupe ili da im oni budu njihovi građanski predstavnici/e, ljekari/ke i učitelji/ce – također su bili manje skloni prihvatanju ili podržavanju nasilja. Ispitanici koji su izrazili manje neprijateljstva prema migrantima također su manje bili skloni podržavati ili opravdavati nasilje. Povjerenje u demokratiju snažno je povezano s manjom podrškom nasilju. Međutim, većina ispitanika (61%) odgovorila je da je jak vođa važniji od demokratije. Žene pokazuju najmanje simpatija za nasilni ekstremizam , te u većoj mjeri podržavaju rodnu ravnopravnost. Mlađi ispitanici (18-35) u većoj mjeri podržavaju nasilni ekstremizam. Većina ispitanika vjeruje da korupcija, organizirani kriminal i političari predstavljaju najozbiljniju sigurnosnu prijetnju u Bosni i Hercegovini. Vjerovanje u bosansku tradiciju zajedničkog života iskazuje se na različite i nekada neočekivane načine čak i među pojedincima koji imaju ekstremna etnonacionalistička stajališta. Također, analiza je zapanjujuće jasno pokazala da je stepen zajedničkih karakteristika među ekstremistima daleko viši od stepena njihovih razlika. Postoji snažna korelacija između ispitanika koji tvrde da su veoma religiozni i onih koji smatraju da je nasilje opravdano kao osveta ili da bi se odbranila njihova etnička i vjerska grupa. Ovo istraživanje pokazalo je da zloupotreba religije djeluje kao pojačivač ekstremnog etnonacionalizma i izaziva daljnju podjelu. Među posebno zanimljivim nalazima istraživanja su i podaci koji ukazuju na povezanost imovinskog statusa, odnosno zaposlenja ili nezaposlenja, s podrškom etnonacionalističkim stajalištima i krajnjim desničarskim organizacijama. Uočljivo je da su stalno zaposleni bili blisko povezani s vladajućim političkim partijama – ili kao članovi ili kao aktivisti (69%), i ovaj odnos i sprega s vladajućim etnonacionalističkim strankama se ne prikriva – dok su nezaposleni (31%) bili pripadnici ekstremno desnih organizacija i nogometnih huliganskih grupa. Kada se radi o “migriranju” između entiteta unutar Bosne i Hercegovine radi mogućnosti zaposlenja ili boljeg školovanja, gotovo polovica ispitanika je rekla da bi se najvjerovatnije odlučili na preseljenje zbog prilike za bolje zaposlenje ili bolje obrazovanje za njih ili njihovu djecu. U slučaju rata, većina ispitanika (51%) izabrala bi napustiti Bosnu i Hercegovinu i, unatoč svojim ekstremnim etnonacionalističkim gledištima, odbila bi uzeti oružje.
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This paper presents the results of research on ethno-nationalist extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, while it reveals some worrying trends, which cut across gender and age categories, the research does also highlight some opportunities. Demonstration of extreme ethno-nationalist views ranges from the readiness of participants to support their “ideals” only at a rhetorical level, through to a readiness to justify and directly support acts of violence or to commit acts of violence themselves. However, the research also indicates where potential lies for building resilience to extremism. There is a strong indication that respondents who had more interactions with people from other ethnic/identity groups were much less likely to support violence, even though they harbour very strong ethno-nationalist views and were recognised as extremists in their communities. This research also indicates how the promotion of nationalism by political parties in BiH provides a “key concept” and “main framework” for ethnonationalist extremism. It further points to some paradoxes and tendencies in the development of illiberal democracy - processes which, on the one hand, indicate greater trust in strong leadership, while at the same time weakening trust in formal state institutions. It is this trend - alongside the consensus of most respondents regarding corruption, organized crime and politicians - that represents the most serious security threat in BiH. This is the most alarming part of the study’s findings, which call for broader social action and the involvement of all internal sectors - from politicians, intellectuals and public figures to the media and international organizations - to preserve the most important values of pluralism and democracy. In addition, although earlier research has neglected the important role of religion in understanding such social movements, this research takes into account the latest studies which suggest that religion (and especially its abuse and radical interpretations) reinforce ethnonationalism and contribute to extremism. This is further confirmed in this analysis by the percentage of respondants expressing religious devotion, with almost all respondents saying that religion plays a significant role in their lives, while three quarters (74%) said they accept all the teachings and demands of their religion. The analysis of results included here represents a departure from previous research on extremism in Bosnia and Herzegovina for two reasons. Firstly, because previous research has largely focused on Syrian fighters and Salafi communities. Secondly, this paper reveals commonalities among ethno-national extremists that cut across their Bosniak, Serb and Croat identities. While acknowledging that their ideologies are based in opposition to each other, analysis shows that the attitudes and world-views of ethno-nationalist extremists from all three Bosnian communities contain more commonalities than differences. In a complex political and social scenario in which ethno-nationalism is on the rise, this research adds to our understanding of how far-right and extreme right ideas are being put forward in BiH, and the ways in which the regional and international context is contributing to this. The research identified issues similar to the rest of Europe: anti-immigration and anti-Islamic narratives and sentiments; opposition to gender equality; promotion of conspiracy theories; and the manipulation of the COVID-19 crisis. Conservative religious discourse is on the rise as well, and it seems this is not being adequately challenged. In BiH this far-right narrative integrates and mirrors the ethno-nationalism coming from political parties. Community and online activities are taking on these narratives and further developing them through a language of othering, fear of immigrants, affective social distance, and undermining the rights of women and peace building efforts. Some key findings include: Respondents were more likely to accept violence if they had lower levels of education or were dissatisfied with their income, family life, and prospects. There is a direct relationship between respondents’ views on gender equality and their support for violence, with those who reject gender equality and espouse “traditional values” expressing more support for violence. Respondents who had less resistance to an idea of reconciliation with other ethnic/identity groups; who understood that the celebration of war criminals from their group is offensive to other ethnic groups; and who were not strongly opposed to the idea of mixed marriages, befriending people outside their ethnic group, or having them as their civic representatives, doctors, and teachers, were also less likely to accept or support violence. Respondents who expressed less animosity toward migrants were also less likely to support or condone violence. A trust in democracy strongly correlated with less support for violence; however, a majority of respondents (61%) answered that a strong leader is more important than democracy. Women show the least sympathy for violent extremism. Younger respondents (18-35) are more supportive of violent extremism A majority of respondents believe that corruption, organized crime and politicians represent the most serious security threat in BiH. Belief in Bosnian collective traditions is expressed in different and sometimes unexpected ways, even among individuals who have extreme ethnonationalist views. Also, analysis has shown surprisingly clearly that the degree of common characteristics among extremists is far higher than their differences. There is a strong correlation between respondents who claim to be highly religious and those who feel that violence is justified as revenge or to defend their ethnic and religious group. This research has shown that the abuse of religion acts as an intensifier of extreme ethnonationalism and causes further division. Among the particularly interesting findings of the research are data indicating the connection between employment status (i.e. employment or unemployment) with support for ethno-nationalist views and far-right organizations. It is noticeable that those permanently employed were those most closely associated with the ruling political parties, either as members or activists (69%) - and this relationship and alliance with the ruling ethnonationalist parties is not disguised. Meanwhile it was the unemployed (31%) who were members of far-right organizations and football hooligan groups. When it comes to “migrating” between entities within BiH for employment or better education, almost half of respondents said they would most likely decide to relocate because of opportunities for better employment or better education for them or their children. In the case of war a majority of respondents (51%) would choose to leave BiH and, despite their extreme ethnonationalist views, they would refuse to take up weapons.
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The national myths and the efforts to refute them are reliable sources in obtaining a holistic picture of a modern society. My starting point, which was to present the national myths in Modern Greece, turned into questioning “our human capacity” to live in a world distant from myths.A myth may mean from a “false story” to a “philosophical metaphor” and form a “lie” to a “unifying social story”. Myths are so widespread that one suspects that they constitute the norm of human existence.The whole endeavour is related to the construction of modern social identities and to the national perceptions vis-à-vis the self and the Other. The case of Greece illuminates drives that may be encountered in all present-day societies. One may read this book as a guide to get in acquaintance the Greeks, as well.
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Why education reforms are often unsuccessful? Why is the school environment essentially toxic and systemically hindering the education process? Why, despite the sincere efforts of enlightened headmasters and teachers to change the face of the school, is it not actually transforming it? The book shows that reforms only affect the surface of schools. The core of the school institution is governed by rationality, which is associated with the industrial nationalist era. This rationality, at many levels – from state, to regional, to the level of everyday action of all actors – contradicts the structure of the globalizing world, its networking and non-hierarchical nature. In this new world, the institution of the school is still an institution that systematically norms and homogenizes the population and excludes all “inadaptable”. We are on the threshold of a whole new era, but schools sound with the rhythm of the 19th century.
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The prohibition of negationism has become ever more present in contemporary legal systems, especially European ones. Bosnia and Herzegovina has recently followed suit with the adoption of the Criminal code amendment that prohibits negation of judicially established crimes that occurred during the civil war in this country, if the negations act is capable of inciting towards hatred or violence. In this article, the author presents a two-pronged critique of this legislative solution. The first one is based on the obligations of BiH towards Council of Europe's Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which guarantees the freedom of expression for BiH citizens. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights restrictively interprets the exceptions to this guaranteed freedom. In the case of denial of historical crimes in other societies whose states are parties to the Convention, the Court was unwilling to side with the state in its wish to criminally punish the denial of these crimes. The Perinçek case is especially important for BiH situation, since it dealt with the genocide denialism by a historian and journalist who tried to prove the qualification of atrocities against Americans is untenable under international law and circumstances of the case. It would be interesting to see how the Court would react to a future case where the applicant would claim the breach of his freedom of expression due to criminal prosecution for denial of Srebrenica genocide. The second one is based on the author's previous research which shows that so-called memory laws, i.e. legal acts that tempt to exclusively interpret historical events, lead to further social instability in vulnerable societies - societies which have experienced civil wars in their past and have still not reached a common interpretation of these events that would be acceptable by all major social groups. Through the criminalization of denial of certain events from the traumatic and still unsettled history of BiH, the legislator has excluded a large portion of its society from the official debate over its common history and identity. Thus the law changes into an instrument of social control and pressures individuals to refrain from alternative interpretations of history, whatever their intentions may be.
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The aim of this article is to pay attention to shame as a key affect in the reception of the performance "There was a Pole, Pole, Pole and a Devil…" by Monika Strzępka and Paweł Demirski. The article investigates what shame is, what is its genesis, types and how the mechanism of making viewers feel ashamed or embarrassed affects the perception of the performance. In article there are examples of emotions akin to shame. It wonders if there are topics that all (or almost all) Poles are ashamed of. In that context author examines the role of the city in which the performance was created against the background of the presented events on the issue of provinces. The article triggers the concept of 'shame pedagogy’. Finally, it proves that shame can be an inclusive, community-creative tool and experiencing a moment of deep embarrassment can have a purifying effect on viewers. Thus, it indicates the positive power of shame that encourages reflection and action.
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I would first draw your attention to the narratives of the third world. The fact that there is a third world is established by the narrative that there was once a first world. By the very virtue of its number, like being the first-born, this world was the first creation in history and, therefore, superior to all those that followed. This superiority in history supported the idea that all human development – society, culture, arts, laws to ensure peace, political relations, economy and economic well-being – were the creation of the first world.
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The Turkish legislative and presidential elections of May 2023 took the form of a referendum and a plebiscite. They can be compared to a referendum because the electoral debates focused, among other things, on the continuation or not of an ad-hoc autocratic political system, “the governmental system of the Presidency of the Republic”, which was accepted by referendum in 2017. But these elections can also be regarded as a plebiscite because the voters were above all called upon to support or to put an end to Tayyip Erdoğan’s stay in power. Voting for Erdoğan's main rival meant not only wanting the end of Erdoğan's long reign but also the return to the rule of law, the immediate relaxation of the hyper-presidential system and eventually the return to a parliamentary regime.
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