O jednoj zlotvornoj uobrazilji: državotvorne i stožerne nacionalne partije

Author(s): Esad Zgodić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2015

Some parties understand themselves as statehood and leading national parties - such perceptions in the public generally exist without important attempts of identification constitutional elements such self-awareness and attribution of ethnocracy as the regime which they establish and on whose ground function as well as their critical and pro-emancipatory dismantling. It is considered that such perceptions belong to the ideological imagination and it highlights to several assumptions on which it is possible to articulate such a dismantling and defend the meaning and value of democratic multi-ethnic states.

Bosna i Hercegovina u raljama semi-perifernog kapitalizma, neofašizma i zločinačkih politika identiteta

Author(s): Zlatan Delić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2015

The central hypothesis of this paper is that Bosnia and Herzegovina, the central republic of former Yugoslavia, twenty years after the genocide against Bosniaks, is found in predator jaws of semi-peripheral capitalism, neo-fascism, and well synchronized criminal politics of identity. It is all about public and secret politics. These politics draw their negative energies from revisionism, anti-fascism, grey zones of transitional “concordatory” economics and media senselessness or neutralization of the concept of “organized crime”. The politics of concatenation judicial scandals followed by a continuing media mindlessness of a very illiterate and cheer minded public, represent a dark place of legal, political, and economic transition. It is not simple to find polite and peaceful way out of such situation. A lot that has been “taking place” during the twenty-year transition in grey zones of politics, economics and security, does not provide a reason for optimism. There is a great deal of relevant and objectively confidential proof for such constatation, and it is not even advisable to mention some of it. A number of more or less intelligent regional debates justify this during discussions about actual range of the Huntington’s pamphlet of ideas from 1993 about the alleged conflict between civilizations. Significant parts of Bosnian and Herzegovinian socio-economic, socio-political, psycho-political, semiotic, iconic, psycho-pathological, media and barbaric environment – may be analyzed and described as a dangerous mix of pre-modern and post-modern forms of neo-fascism and fundamentalism. It is about destructive, self-destructive and parallel politics of identity, as a completely perverted cultures of memories that spin in a vicious circle of expert dissemination of ignorance, intelligence of evil, violence, fear, awareness of the cheer minded, escapism and primitivism.

Bosanski unitarizam: ideološka konstrukcija ili politička realnost?

Author(s): Nerin Dizdar / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2015

Contemporary political organization of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by its complex internal structure and by the limited capacity and jurisdiction of the state institutions in relation to lower territorial and administrational units. Within such state system, alleged Unitarian tendencies of certain factors of the political establishment are presented as an attempt of achieving territorial and political domination and rule of the most numerous constitutive group over the others. Almost every initiative of strengthening the central state institutions is perceived as unitarism from this perspective. Likewise, promotion of the very idea of citizen, state or simply Bosnian belonging is presented as a process complementary to the presumed desired untarization of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such perceptions are one of the basic rhetorical tools in the speaking of the representatives of the so-called nationally-inclined political subject, primarily those of Serb or Croat orientation. Basic concepts and perceptions of the question or problem of unitarization are presented in the paper, with an analysis of realistic, possible ways of implementation or deconstruction of such a concept of organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Razvlačenje i sabiranje bosanske pameti

Author(s): Rasim Gačanović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2015

The two famous exclamation of accused criminals and leaders of the war against Bosnia, Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić - “Bosnian Muslims could disappear” and “they should stretch their mind” - the symptoms of long- lasting anti-Bosnian project are emerging on the surface. Is Bosnian mind stretched to the extent that the project of destruction of all Bosnian lasts within all what was destroyed? Is the war against Bosnia tendency that this process could be accelerated? This article contains some of the research results of possible answers to the above questions. Everything that was designed in nationalistic programs during the 19th and 20th centuries connected to Bosnia, it has become a cognitive basis of opinion and established programs and based on it of political system, education and culture. In the contents of Bosnian political, cultural and economic public, it is possible to recognize mentioned criminal patterns that correspond to mentioned criminal exclamations. They are disguised, so the media, scientific and cultural public recycled them as dogma.

PRILOG ISTORIJATU NASTANKA BOŠNJAČKO-MUSLIMANSKE NACIJE

Author(s): Hidajet Kalač / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 23-24/2003

Dilema nejasnog identiteta nas obavezuje da ovo pitanje, koje je predmet svakodnevnih polemika, podvrgnemo javnoj i stručnoj raspravi. Vjerujem da će ovaj skup biti kadar da s intelektualnom odgovornošću i moralnom dosljednošću odgovori na postavljeno pitanje: “Bošnjaci – muslimani kako vam je ime?” Svaku društvenu pojavu, pa dakle i pojavu nacije, nemoguće je adekvatno razumjeti ako apstrahujemo istorijski put njenog razvitka. Stoga cilj mog izlaganja je da sagledam nastanak bošnjačko-muslimanske nacije i osvijetlim značaj istorijskog faktora kao esencijalnog elementa u stvaranju nacija.

SVEBOŠNJAČKOM SABORU U CRNOJ GORI

Author(s): Isko Iso Bećović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 23-24/2003

Ovaj skup doživljavam kao svebošnjački sabor, kako sam naveo na početku svog izlaganja, za ovu priliku. Nadam se da ćemo, bez obzira na političku pripadnost, mi Bošnjaci, politički prvaci, javni, kulturni, naučni i ugledni građani u svojim sredinama - biti jedinstveni po ovom sudbonosnom pitanju za naš bošnjački narod i za naša pokoljenja. Dakle, nadam se da ćemo donijeti aklamacijom Deklaraciju po pitanju našeg nacionalnog imena. To znači da ćemo i druge uspjeti ubijediti da smo mi narod, da imamo svoje nacionalno ime, svoj jezik, svoju kulturu, svoje običaje. Da imamo sve ono što karakteriše jednu naciju.

Światopogląd a nacjonalizm w myśli politycznej Karola Ludwika Konińskiego

Author(s): Dariusz Grzybek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 46/2017

This paper analyses concept of nationality in writings of Karol Ludwik Koniński (1891‑1943), polish writer and literary critic. Koniński was exceptional religious thinker, considering idea of Almighty God rather like moral postulate than reality. His philosophical‑theological thinking has many similarities to Simone Weil’s thought. The main concept in Koniński’s thought was distinction between ‘worthwile living’ and ‘worthless living’ inspired by neoromantic thinkers like Jean Marie Guyau, Otto Weininger and Stanisław Brzozowski. In his opinion the most worthy way of living was live in accordance with universal ethics and national culture, considered as moral heritage of past generations. Idea of nation bolstered by Koniński was idea of cultural community inspired by heroic work of national elites. In political context of his times Koniński recognized special task of Poland in propagation of idea political Liberty in East Europe, in his terms it was ‘the Greatness of Poland’. However, he missed economic aspect of political power, in consequence his heroic idea of polish nationality become neoromantic utopia of will.

Nacionalizam: Mnogo buke ni oko čega?

Author(s): Edin Tabak / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2015

Savremeni svijet je organiziran u nacionalne države, a značaj nacije i naci¬onalizma se svakodnevno manifestira i u praksi i u teoriji. U takvom kontekstu čini se apsurdnim sugerirati da je nacionalizam mnogo buke ni oko čega. Ovaj esej ne tvrdi da nacija nije ništa, nego da nema ni približno toliki značaj koliki joj pridaju ne samo praktičari nego i teoretičari nacionalizma. Esej predla¬že jedan alternativni teorijski pristup razumijevanju nacionalizma, baziran na učenju francuskog filozofa Brune Latoura i na njegovoj teoriji akter-mreža, koja nam omogućava da vidimo naciju kao presjek, a ne uniju dijelova od kojih je sačinjena. Nacionalizam, shvaćen kao presjek (akter-mreža), može samo autorizirati, dopustiti, priuštiti, ohrabriti, sugerirati, uticati, blokirati ili omogućiti individualnu akciju, ali je ne može determinirati. Takva perspektiva implicira da je nacija manje važna od dijelova koji je čine, uključujući poje¬dince koji čine naciju te, u tom smislu, nacionalizam jeste mnogo buke oko “skoro ničega”.

Menekültek a faluban

Author(s): György Szerbhorváth / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2016

PREDVIĐANJE RATA? - ETNOSOCIOLOGIJA DINKA TOMAŠIĆA

Author(s): Aleksandar Štulhofer / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1992

The paper explores the thought about a fundamental distinction between Croats and Serbs. The most elaborated variant presenting this "distinction" is the ethnosociology of Dinko A. Tomašić. Founded upon the socializational differences between the sedentary and nomadic cultures, the "collective and tribal" typology of Tomašić tries to explain the instability of the two Yugoslav communities. Moreover, Tomašić also indicates the conditions under which a bloody disintegration of the socialist community is expected to occur. In the attempt to show that Tomašić's prediction represents a realistic conclusion resulting from irreal premises, an alternative approach is presented in the papers concluding passage. And in the end, the cause for the popularity of the "distinction" thesis is described.

Problematika národa v počátcích sociologické teorie ve střední Evropě prizmatem tzv. habsburského dilematu Ernesta Gellnera: příspěvek k historické sociologii vědění

Author(s): Dušan Janák / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2019

The Issue of the Nation at the Beginning of Sociological Theory in Central Europe through the Lens of Ernest Gellner´s Concept of the Habsburg Dilemma: Contribution to Historical Sociology of Knowledge. The Habsburg Dilemma is the tension between two opposing world and political views (individualistic universalism and culturalistic organicism) which characterized, according to E. Gellner, the cultural and political life in the late period of the Austrian monarchy and was also mirrored in the field of intellectual production. The study applies this Gellner's thesis to the sociological reflection of national issues in the work of significant Central European sociologists of the first half of the 20th century. Gellner's concept allows us to explain the varying degree of interest in national issues among individual sociologists, as well as the nature of conceptual approach to nation-related issues by individual theoreticians, where we find distinct social bearers of both the worldviews (Hungary, Austria). In the countries without a pronounced split of the intellectual stratum (Czechoslovakia, Poland), the Habsburg dilemma can be recognized primarily as a conceptual tension within one theory, but it does not consistently explain the differences in the theoretical grasp of the topic or the degree of politicization of the issue.Sociológia 2019, Vol. 51 (No. 2: 152-178)

Introduction: The Politics of Numbers in the Post-Yugoslav States

Author(s): Soeren Keil,Valery Perry / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

Since 1991, every country in the former Yugoslavia has either held, or has attempted to hold, a census. The most recent efforts occurred in or around 2011, reflecting both the interest of harmonizing with the European Union’s (EU) own 2011 census round, as well as the need for accurate data in a region that has experienced significant population flux in the past generation. Macedonia’s 2011 census was cancelled during the enumeration period due to objections related to the counting procedure, but grounded in politics related to the Macedonian and Albanian populations, and representation provisions in the Ohrid Framework Agreement that ended the violent conflict in the country in 2001. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) collected data for the first time since the war in 2013, but as of this writing (October 2015) the results have not been finalised. Kosovo’s census results have been contested by Belgrade, with a number of Serb majority municipalities in Kosovo boycotting the census while other minorities have also questioned the results.

Shaping the Slovak Identity and the Manifestation Thereof in the Social Iconosphere. The Case of the Slovak National Museum

Author(s): David Václavík / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The article deals with the role of the National Museum in the process of creating a Slovak national identity. It focuses mainly on the specifics that were associated with the establishment of the Slovak National Museum as an institution. These were closely related to the complicated history of the formation of Slovak national consciousness in the 19th and 20th centuries. It also focuses on analyzing the architecture of the main buildings of the Slovak National Museum and its connection with the concept of the museum as an educational, public, and political institution. Finally, it analyzes two important permanent collections – historical and ethnographic. At the same time, attention is paid to the role played by the well-known conceptualizations of the Slovak nation.

Interaction Between the Secular and the Religious: The Exhibition Latvia’s Century at the National History Museum of Latvia

Author(s): Anita Stasulane / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The paper focuses on the interaction between the secular and the religious in the exhibition Latvia’s Century, dedicated to the centenary of the Republic of Latvia, with its narrative being developed by the National History Museum of Latvia. When analyzing the qualitative data obtained through collecting visual information, and undertaking face-to-face in-depth expert interviews and observations, the author explains how the curators have positioned religious objects chronologically in a specific social and political context by using storytelling as the exhibition’s primary interpretative strategy. Compared to the previous period of activity (1945–1990), when the museum was an institution of Soviet ideology, the National History Museum of Latvia has currently developed a new paradigm for the evaluation and interpretation of religion and religious objects. Alongside ethnicity, politics and language, the curators have identified religion as the most important element in Latvia’s formation process. Religion is interpreted as one of Latvia’s constitutive elements in the exhibition, emphasizing that it was society’s major cohesive force in the past, influencing the development of national identity and defining the territorial borders of the Republic of Latvia.

Migration and the Reassertion of National Identity in Europe

Author(s): Tamara Peicu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Identity and migration are often seen as descriptive concepts of dissentive qualities involving static, perene aspects versus dynamism and change. However, the opposite can be argued when looking at identity as a flowing, organically changing notion in contrast to a rigid and inflexible migration concept. This article highlights the points of intersectionality between national and European identity and analyzes the impact of the recent migration waves to Europe on the process of identity formation within the European Union.

Prikaz

Author(s): Dženita Rujanac / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 48/2019

Book-Review: Siniša Malešević, Države-nacije i nacionalizmi. Organizacija, ideologija i solidarnost. Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk, 2017, 247. Reviewed by Dženita Rujanac.

Nacionalizam i globalizam u kvalitativnom posredovanju

Author(s): Slobodan Vukičević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2019

The subject of this paper is the symmetry and asymmetry of nationalism and globalism as a qualitative social relation determined by the logos valences (significance, meaning, and sense) of their structural segments. The aim is to establish symmetrical and asymmetric networks of nationalism and globalism that follow their positive and negative dimensions. Nationalism is, basically, a reflection of the nation that contains all the essential contradictions of the emergence and development of a nation, as well as its historical and metaphysical categorisation. Nationalism as a comprehensive, genetically structured social phenomenon can be socially identified and explained only as a symmetry of its positive and negative components. There is no ‘pure’ nation in an ideal-type form, which reflects only positive nationalism, and neither is there a nation that reflects only negative nationalism. Reducing nationalism only to its negative side prevents the discovery of its positive side. The reflection of nationalism necessarily takes place in a state where the right of citizenship means acquiring a new, higher level of freedom, constituting the only logic of the nation. Thus, the nation, state, and citizen are inseparable subjects of a certain democratic community. Globalism is not a self-reflection of the global but rather a reflection of identity symmetries of individual societies-states, which encompasses a comprehensive exchange of their fundamental human values and interests. The central question is what qualitative contents maintain the dominant symmetry of globalism and its relation to the (in)variability of the essence of social life generation. The answer to this question is not possible without the identification of symmetric networks of nationalism and globalism and their qualitative mediation, in which the state plays a particularly important role. They contain the original theoretical and methodological approach in the sociological understanding of the symmetrical reflexivity of nationalism and globalism in contemporary society. Only the theoretical and empirical as well as sociological and imaginative discovery of the nature of symmetry and asymmetry of nationalism and globalism can lead to scientifically objective and, at the same time, socially engaged knowledge

Social Construction of the Legal System. Research in the Northeastern Region of Romania

Author(s): Antonio Sandu,Camelia Ignătescu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This research pursues the social construction of the idea of justice among citizens by measuring the public opinion on the legal system in Romania. A number of aspects involved in the process of social construction of the concept of justice were considered, such as the role of the legal system in Romanian society, the level of transparency of the legal system, the implementation of ethics in Romanian legal system, the level of perceived remuneration of Romanian legal system etc. The research was conducted in the Northeastern region of Romania, based on sociological inquiry through questionnaire. The thematic axes of the questionnaire aimed: the sources of public information on the functioning of the legal system, the perceived level of professionalism of the personnel in the legal system, the public perception on integrity and the observance of ethical standards in the legal system, the level of remuneration in Romanian legal system, the respect for the state of law in Romania, the trust in the component institutions of the legal system in Romania.

RUSSO-GEORGIAN WAR OF AUGUST 2008: CLASH OF IDEOLOGIES AND NATIONAL PROJECTS IN THE ERA OF HYBRID WARFARE

Author(s): David Darchiashvili / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2018

The article purports that the underlying reasons behind the Russo- Georgian War that erupted in August 2008 were Georgia’s aspirations to join the Western security institutions and Russia’s strong opposition to such developments. The conflict is largely regarded as Russia’s aggression against a neighbouring sovereign country, although flavoured with intra-Georgian ethno-political cleavages. For years, the discussion has focused on the midnight attack on August 7, executed by Georgian forces on the town of Tskhinvali, a stronghold of Ossetian separatists, violating peace keeping accords signed back in the 1990s. The following article attempts to analyse the logic behind that risky military action taken by the Georgian government. The article applies the concept of hybrid warfare that is generally understood as a combination of actions, blurring the lines between war and peace, through the engagement of special and irregular military units, diplomatic, economic and informational measures, and support for radical anti-governmental forces operating within the borders of the targeted country, creating fertile ground for conventional military intervention under the guise of peace enforcement. The author retrospectively applies this recently acknowledged concept and argues that Georgia has been under Russia’s hybrid attack at least since 2006. Thus, it could be argued that then President Mikheil Saakashvili ordered the attack on Tskhinvali under the stress of the dire circumstances described in the article. The international community, either unaware of or simply reluctant to acknowledge Russia’s hybrid warfare approach, regarded Georgia’s actions as disproportionate. However, today, when this form of aggression is increasingly deemed as the beginning of conventional military intervention against sovereign countries, new analytical light can be shed on the Russo-Georgian war in general, and on the events of August 7 in particular. The author purports that in that moment an all-out war could have been avoided if a) the Georgian government had surrendered; or b) if the international community had intervened in a decisive manner. However, neither was feasible.

REVISIONISM AS A FOUNDATION OF NATIONALISTIC IDEOLOGY

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): English Issue: 153/2019

Anti-fascism is not and cannot be a predomi¬nant value in the societies of nationalistic ide¬ology as their main pillar of legitimacy. In Ser¬bia, for as long as a quarter of a century, ever since destruction of second Yugoslavia that was based on consensual anti-fascism, anti-fascist legacy has been marginalized and banalized. More than twenty generations have been raised in the society in which anti-fascist values have not been predominant but replaced by the ideas characteristic of nationalism, xenophobia, neo-fascism and rehabilitation of WWII quislings, the ideas that had inspired violence, war, crimes, plunder, and annihilated social solidarity and human empathy.