PART IV: The Nineties - The War and Post-War Period in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Arijana Aganović,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The period covering the end of the eighties and early nineties of the 20th century was marked by socio-economic and political turmoil, and the transition from a socialist society to a democracy that is characterised by war and the division of the former Yugoslavia into nation-states. The dissolution of Yugoslavia affected all segments of society and imposed the question of ethnic division, which had a major impact on almost all spheres of society, including the issue of gender equality, women’s representation in decision-making positions and other spheres of public life. The first democratic, multi-party elections were held in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 and they brought to power the three major national political parties representing the three dominant ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) and which were to organise the political life of the country. After the proclamation of independence of Slovenia and Croatia at the end of February 1992, a referendum on the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina was organised. On March 1, 1992 Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence, and immediately thereafter witnessed growing tensions, which escalated into war, which officially began in April 1992. Between April 1992 and December 1995, and until the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, there massive human rights violations took place in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBiH), including war crime, crime against humanity, murder, rape and expulsion. The homes of many became the frontlines and the population in many parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina was forced to leave.

Krivična djela seksualnog nasilja u pravnom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Vladana Vasić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Pravna regulacija i definiranje pojma silovanja razlikuju se u većini država svijeta. Silovanjem se uglavnom smatra prisiljavanje, prinuđivanje ili upuštanje u seksualni odnos s drugom osobom bez njenog jasnog i svojevoljnog pristanka. Pri tome, seksualni odnos ne mora nužno podrazumijevati penetraciju, već se silovanjem smatra bilo koja vrsta seksualnog odnosa (oralni, upotrebom nekog predmeta, vaginalni, analni spolni odnos, te druge seksualne radnje učinjene bez pristanka žrtve) u koju se počinitelj upustio bez da utvrdi da žrtva na njega svojevoljno pristaje.

Istraživanje: Zločini silovanja i seksualnog nasilja u Bosni i Hercegovini – od procedure prijave do kaznenih politika

Author(s): Nejra Nuna Čengić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Tokom mjeseca jula 2017. godine, polaznici/e Feminističke škole organizirane u okviru Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, proveli su kvalitativno istraživanje o postupanju i stavovima službenih osoba koje rade na procesuiranju krivičnih djela seksualnog nasilja, s fokusom na krivično djelo silovanja, te predstavnika organizacija civilnog društva koje se bave zaštitom prava oštećenih. Istraživanje je zasnovano na strukturiranim intervjuima sa predstavnicima MUP-a, tužilaštava i civilnog društva iz Sarajeva, Zenice, Tuzle, Banje Luke i Mostara. Intervjuima su trebale biti obuhvaćene i sudije koje rade na procesuiranju ove vrste krivičnih djela, te su pozivi za učešće u istraživanju dostavljeni udruženjima sudija u BiH. Nažalost, ista se nisu odazvala pozivu. Urađeno je ukupno deset intervjua. Veliki broj njih radio se u parovima, što je impliciralo dva intervjuera/ke i dva sagovornika/ce. Na ovaj način, ukupan broj sagovornika iz ciljne skupine koji je učestvovao u istraživanju je 17.

Помирително правосъдие в България – ограничения на средата

Author(s): Rumen Petrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Some of the elements of a sustainable restorative justice politics will be presented – at the intersection of jurisdiction, law, education, social work, local governance, etc. An analysis of these will be suggested with the aim of a realistic planning of the change and of preserving its core values.

Suffering of Population in Bačka and Baranja in 1941 and 1942

Author(s): Željko Bjeljac,Aleksandra Terzić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This work is focused on the Bačka territory, historically-geographical region located in the northern part of Serbia. It covers the period from 11 April 1941, when, in The Second World War, Hungarian army entered the territory of Kingdom of Yugoslavia with the goal of conquering, creating the government and incorporation of Bačka to the Hungarian state, until the end of the 1942. Hungarian government and army, in this period, with the goal of straightening the lasting power in occupied Bačka, by using the military power, had created the state that should had brought the numerous economical and moral-political empowerment of the Hungarian element. They were making the arrests, repression, forcing the emigration and deportation of Serbian and Jewish population as well as doing the mass executions of civil population. The paper is methodologically based on data collected within the engagement of Survey bureau of the Council of AP Vojvodina named ,,The truth about the events in Vojvodina 1941–1948“. In this publication the civil victims are namely documented, by sex, age and location of death, as the analysis of the existing documents and publications is done. In this paper the historical representation of the events in Backa from 1941 to 1942 is conducted, as well as demographical analysis of the civil victims (sex, age, national structure).

Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.

Author(s): Jovan Mirković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The newly-proclaimed Croatian state in April 1941 was based on the ideology of the Ustasha movement that was founded on racist and extremely nationalist policy with the aim of creating a “purely Croatian living-space” that would make possible the existence of the “pure Croatian nation”. The precondition for such tendencies was physical extermination of the Serbs and the Jews who were declared the “greatest enemies of the Croatian people” for whom “there was no place in Croatia”. They were joined by the Gypsies, as a non-Aryan inferior race. In order to achieve these goals “internal purification” was also needed, i.e. it was also necessary to destroy all those Croat and Muslim elements designated as traitors due to their “un-Croatian behavior” who were perceived as “a blemish on the body of the pure Croatian nation”. The reaction to the entry of German troops into Zagreb and the enthusiastic greeting with which they met, show that at the time of the aggression of the Fascist powers on Yugoslavia the ideology of the Ustasha movement was in keeping with prevailing ideological and religious attitude of large part of the Croatian people. The goals, the way of organizing and performing the activities of the Ustasha organization prove its terrorist character. Crimes against the Serbian population (as the factor of disturbance) and against the Jews and the Gypsies (as non-Aryans) were committed not because these weren’t loyal to the new government and because of the stability of the new state, but because of the ideological bases on which that state was build. This was shown by public statements and the propaganda activities of the exponents of this ideology (the Ustasha) and by the government through legislation, as well as by actions of all state organs – the police, the military, the judiciary, the administration – primarily through physical destruction of groups or through creation of conditions condemning a group to biological destruction. This is particularly visible from the analysis of the chronology of crimes committed during the first days of the existence of the ISC, that is in a period when there was no organized resistance as well as by the analysis of statistical data of the name-census of the war victims that has been revised so far. From the analysis of the statistical data and categories of the name census of the victims it is evident that the Independent State of Croatia ever since its proclamation and throughout the war committed systematic crime of genocide with the intention of destroying some ethnic, national and religious groups – Orthodox Serbs, the Jews and the Gypsies – which is particularly visible in the analysis of the 1941 data. Genocidal character of the crimes during the first days of the ISC’s existence can be observed on examples of mass liquidations in which political or military capability of a group to oppose the regime played no role whatsoever. On the contrary, mass liquidations of the whole population took place – of men, women, children and the aged. Exactly the analysis of the manifest intent and actions in 1941 show that the crime , the most severe form of crimes against humanity – the genocide (as defined afterwards) was in-built in the very foundations of the newly-founded state and its ideological basis.

Између мита и истине: масовна одмазда у Краљеву, октобра 1941.

Author(s): Silvija Krejaković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the worst war-crimes committed by the Wehrmacht troops against civilians in the territory of Serbia was the mass retaliation in Kraljevo in October 1941. Authentic, original historical sources (among which temporally closest to the event are: the name lists made by factory and communal administrations on order of the District head on March 24, 1942; lists of the Refugee Commissariat; evidence of the survivors and contemporaries; personal and family memorabilia, documents of the State Commission for Establishing the Crimes of the Occupiers) are kept at local and central institutions. Historical sources as fragments of the past offer a complete picture of the causes of the shooting, forged ideologically by the order of the supreme German command and applied according to the proportions of the Nazi value system in which one German life in Serbia was worth 100 Serbian lives because of the losses the 717 Division of the Wehrmacht suffered from the Partizan-Chetnik attacks; of the consequences of the shooting as each individual victim was reflected on the suffering of his or her family, of the large number of war orphans, of devastated economy… The real picture of the tragedy based on exact historical data was lost among a spate of mythologized views. The date of the shooting – that according to the primary sources and memories of the contemporaries and the survivors, lasted from October 15 to 20, 1941 – was identified with October 14, the day of commemoration. The ideological and political motives were decisive for turning the place of shooting (at first called the Camp Grave-Yard, then, the Grave-Yard of the Shot) into the Memorial Park (1965–1992) with no crosses and names of the shot in the plan of the memorial complex. The service for the dead, synonymous with paying respect to the victims, was replaced in newspaper articles, studies, literary works and posters by the term the October Festivities during the above mentioned years. In the mythical layers, the oldest and the least open to explanations except in scholarly conferences and discussions in small scholarly circles, was the myth of the number of the shot in the Kraljevo camp that varied in newspaper articles and everyday talk between 6.000 and 7.500 victims. In the culture of remembrance based on research, analysis and comparison of historical sources that had been diligently collected and preserved in the Historical archives, in the Institution of the Memorial Park and in the People’s Museum in Kraljevo personalization of the victims was necessary. Through the model of data-base modern historical science has established so far the names of 2.190 hostages shot in the camp. The process of research of the victims – their social, ethnic, age and religious make up and the search for their documents and belongings is permanent practice in the museum. The proportions of the crime against humanity are indirectly to be found in the number of families left with no bread-winner, in the number of wartime orphans, in the destroyed economy, since at least 102 persons under age were shot and since the majority of the hostages were workers and clerks of the then airplane and wagon factories, employees of institutions and schools, in the most productive age between 18 and 55. Apart from the electronic form, the unique notes on identity of every person shot – as unique as their lives had been – are noted in the books of Remembrance in the museum’s permanent exhibition, but also in the project planned for the location of the shooting, on the walls of a chapel.

Губици партизанског покрета са територије Србије у устанку 1941. године

Author(s): Dragan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The partly revised census “War Victims 1941–1945” from 1964 offers a possibility of analyzing the wartime losses of the population of Yugoslavia among which the killed members of the Partisan movement make up a considerable portion. Apart from general data about their losses it enables the insight into the make-up of the victims. Out of all partisans who had fallen in the uprising in Serbia, 88.53% originated from the territory of the occupied Serbia. The mass uprising in the occupied Serbia in 1941 caused large losses both among the insurgents and among civilians who died massively in reprisals. The partisan victims from the territory of the occupied Serbia make up 36.24% of partisan losses in Yugoslavia 1941, which is a large portion, since 27.95% of all Yugoslavia’s inhabitants lived in Serbia. The creation and defense of the liberated territory caused that 51.37% of the fallen partisans originated from Western and North-Western part of the occupied Serbia, although these regions were inhabited by 18.31% of the total population. Among other regions more affected were Central Serbia (14.43%) and the region of Belgrade (10.62%). One third of the partisan victims in the uprising (33.19%) lost their lives in November 1941. Quenching of the large-scale uprising in occupied Serbia caused the intensity of combats to decrease in this territory in 1942, so that the number of partisan victims also decreased 2.72 times. Among the partisans of Yugoslavia it made up 10.40% of total losses. Women made up 2.15% of the partisans who fell in the uprising. Most of them came from Western Serbia (35.09%) and Belgrade (24.56%). Almost one half of the victims (48.93%) were persons aged 15 to 24 whereas those older than 45 made up 3.53%. Although the largest part of the partisans who fell in the uprising were peasants (46.85%), in proportion to their share among the general population, the largest part of the partisan losses were made up of workers sympathizing with the revolutionary idea (22.64%), small businessmen (10.28%) and pupils and students (7.91%).

Rozhovor s Barbarou Havelkovou

Author(s): Linda Sokačová,Barbara Havelková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Rozhovor se Zdeňkem Kühnem

Author(s): Linda Sokačová,Zdeněk Kühn / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Znásilnění: několik úvah nad právní úpravou

Author(s): Barbara Havelková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Analýza mediálního diskurzu MF Dnes o znásilnění

Author(s): Tereza Hendlová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Dilema věř, nebo pochybuj: Problematika vzdělávání policistů a policistek v oblasti práce s obětí znásilnění

Author(s): Lukáš Sedláček / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Island: úvod do legislativy a schémata podpor y obětí znásilnění

Author(s): Sigþrúður Guðmundsdóttir / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Normativni I institucionalni okvir rodne ravnopravnosti

Author(s): Amila Ždralović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Formalno-pravne aspekte rodne ravnopravnosti u BiH nužno je posmatrati kroz dva nivoa - međunarodni i nacionalni, koji imaju svoje refleksije i na ostale nivoe uključujući i najniži nivo - lokalnu zajednicu. Za potrebe ovog istraživanja, a s obzirom na važne refleksije na lokalne zajednice, u međunarodnim pravnim dokumentima posebno se izdvajaju CEDAW konvencija (Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, 1979.), Pekinška deklaracija i Platforma za akciju (1995.), Rezolucija 1325 (“Žene, mir i sigurnost”, 2000.) i Konvencija Vijeća Europe o sprečavanju i borbi protiv nasilja nad ženama i nasilja uporodici (2011., tzv. Istanbulska konvencija). U odnosu na domaće zakonodavstvo nužno je istaći značaj Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolovau BiH i Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije u BiH.

Rodna ravnopravnost u regiji Istočno Sarajevo I Romanija: (n)i ideal (n)i praksa

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov-Momčinović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

S obzirom da se u većini dostupnih istraživanja i dokumenata koji su analizirani ne mogu naći jasni izdvojeni podaci po regijama kao i odvojeno za ove dve regije (jedan od izuzetaka je istraživanje Fondacije CURE „Žene koje inspirišu“), generalni presek uz neke specifičnosti radi bolje ilustracije stanja na terenu pokazaćemo sumarno. Nakon toga ćemo dati pregled nekih lokalnih specifičnosti. Pri tome treba napomenuti da regionalne podele ne prate i administrativne s obziromda su četiri analizirane opštine u ove dve regije pripadajuće opštine grada Istočno Sarajevo, od kojih dve pripadaju romanijskoj regiji.

Rodna ravnopravnost u regijama Tuzla i Livno: Riječi na papiru

Author(s): Zarfa Hrnjić Kuduzović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Jedan od osnovnih principa Evropske unije čijom članicom nastoji postati i Bosna i Hercegovina je rodna ravnopravnost. Amsterdamski ugovor, te brojne direktive EU obavezuju države da u svojim politikama i programima doprinose jednakopravnosti žena i muškaraca. Rodna ravnopravnost je i jedan od 17 globalnih ciljeva Programa održivog razvoja do 2030. godine kojeg su usvojile članice Ujedinjenih naroda, a koji je proizašao iz Milenijumske deklaracije. Najvažniji dokument UN-a iz domena rodne ravnopravnosti je Konvencija o eliminisanju svihoblika diskriminacije žena. Ukidanje diskriminacije žena i djevojčica, kako stoji u Programu, nije samo osnovno ljudsko pravo, nego ima višestruki učinak na druga područja razvoja. Od 2013. BiH je i potpisnica Istanbulske konvencije. Rodna ravnopravnost koja podrazumijeva jednako učešće žena i muškaraca u svim sferama javnog i privatnog života, jednak status, jednaku involviranost u procese odlučivanja u politici, programe rada i prakse svih institucija, te jednak pristup društvenim resursima i jednake benefite od njih, dugoročno bi trebala rezultirati kvalitetnijim i humanijim životom u zajednici.

GENDER EQUALITY IN REGIONS TUZLA AND LIVNO: WORDS ON PAPER

Author(s): Zarfa Hrnjić Kuduzović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

One of the basic principles of the European Union whose member Bosnia and Herzegovina seeks to become is gender equality. The Amsterdam Treaty and numerous EU Directives oblige the States to contribute to the equality of women and men in their policies and programs. Gender equality is one of the 17 global goals of the Sustainable Development Program until 2030 which was adopted by the United Nations, as a result of the Millennium Declaration. The UN's most important document in the area of gender equality is the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.255 The abolition of discrimination against women and girls, as stated in the Program, is not only a fundamental human right but has multiple effects on other areas of development. Since 2013, BiH is also a party to the Istanbul Convention.

Analysis of the Needs and Support to Civilian Victims of War

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Our war and post-war experience has been marked with terrible and widespread sufferings of civilians. As one of the central questions in dealing with the past and peace-building processes in the Croatian society, we ask ourselves how we can offer adequate support and contribute to providing justice and reparations to civilian victims of war. In doing this, we create and support research, analytical, educational and public political activities, but also methods of direct support to civilian victims of war. Compensations and reparations to victims are one of the key elements of transitional justice. They enable victims to receive public recognition of their suffering and compensation for the endured pain, humiliation and losses. By setting up reparations programs, the state implements a system of respecting human rights and answers the needs of victims as one of the most endangered social groups, groups in constant risk of social exclusion and bad socio-economic situation. The state is obliged to deliver justice and ensure their citizens full respect of human rights, and victims have the right to protection and safety. Reparations come in many forms, from legal mechanisms through symbolic and material reparations to group or individual reparations programs. According to the resolution Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, civilian victims of war have the right to adequate, efficient and timely reparation.

Analiza potreba i podrška civilnim žrtvama rata

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Naše je ratno i poslijeratno iskustvo obilježeno teškim i brojnim stradanjima civila. Kao jedno od središnjih pitanja suočavanja s prošlošću i izgradnje mira u hrvatskom društvu postavljamo si pitanje kako pružiti odgovarajuću podršku civilnim stradalnicima te doprinijeti ostvarenju pravednosti i obeštećenja civilnih žrtava rata. Na tom putu kreiramo i podupiremo istraživačke, analitičke, obrazovne i aktivnosti javnog političkog djelovanja, ali i metode neposredne podrške civilnim žrtvama rata. Ovim tekstom željeli bismo ćitatelje/ice iz organizacija za ljudska prava i drugih organizacija i inicijativa iz civilnoga društva upoznati s našim djelovanjem posljednjih godina putem nekoliko primjera iz prakse koji sveobuhvatno nastoje unaprijediti položaj civilnih žrtava rata u ostvarenju njihova prava na odgovarajuće obeštećenje.