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Zbornik radova s Međunarodne naučne konferencije pod nazivom GENOCID NAD BOŠNJACIMA, SREBRENICA 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice predstavlja izuzetno važan doprinos naučnom sagledavanju namjera, uzroka, ciljeva, razmjera i posljedica izvršenog genocida kao i drugih zločina protiv vrijednosti zaštićenih međunarodnim pravom. Međunarodni kao i drugi naučni skupovi neophodni su kako bi se sagledale i sublimirale činjenice iz perioda agresije, a zbornik radova ostaje u naslijeđe budućim generacijama kao opomena da se zločini nikada i nikome ne ponove. Zbornik sadrži 39 radova u kojima su predstavljena nova istraživanja i saznanja koja s interdisciplinarnog, odnosno društveno-političkog, historijskog, sociološkog, psihološkog, demografskog aspekta elaboririraju rezultate istraživanja o događajima u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1992‒1995. Posebnu vrijednost daju i radovi koji tematiziraju društveno-političke posljedice nakon 1995. godine. Zbog obima naučnih radova, zbornik je podijeljen u dva jednako vrijedna i značajna dijela (I i II tom). Koncepcija strukture sadržaja sistematizirana je u šest tematskih cjelina. Prvi tom obuhvata 15 radova, a drugi 24 rada. Zbornik počinje predgovorom prof. dr. Rifata Škrijelja, rektora Univerziteta u Sarajevu, a završava Zaključcima s Konferencije, koje u ime Naučnog odbora potpisuje akademik, prof. dr. Mirko Pejanović.
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The paper discusses the international obligations of states and international organizations, which derive from the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Likewise, the Convention is an international instrument that is an expression of general customary international law. Therefore, it binds the contracting state parties and the non-contracting state parties. The paper analyzes the obligations to prohibit the direct commission of the crime of genocide, non-participation in its commission, prevention and punishment of the perpetrators of this international crime. As a separate chapter, the article deals with particular consequences created for states (and international organizations) following the violation of obligations under the Convention. As these are serious breaches of the obligations arising from the peremptory norms of general international law, a separate and aggravated legal regime of responsibility for states (and international organizations) is therefore provided in international law. In addition to three forms of reparations: restitution, compensation and satisfaction, it refers to the application of other sanctions (measures).
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Numerous crimes against children were committed in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995). In this paper, the subject of research will be a review of crimes against children in Sarajevo, Mostar and Srebrenica. Numerous documents, data, statements, information, findings and numerous verdicts of convicted war criminals before the ICTY and before domestic courts testify to the crimes committed in these three cities. The mass and manner of committing crimes against children in Sarajevo, Mostar and Srebrenica, as examples of crimes against children throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, prove that the aggressors did not have a sensitivity to the youngest and most protected category of civilians.
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The commemoration of the genocide against Bosniaks only in the area of Srebrenica can be interpreted as a way to localization the genocide and accept that the genocide against Bosniaks committed in the period 1992–1995 is reduced to a local level. Reducing genocide to just six days in July 1995 is a kind of trap. The genocide against Bosniaks in the Srebrenica area cannot be separated from the genocide committed between 1992 and 1995 in all occupied cities and cities under siege. The perpetrators of the Srebrenica genocide are the same structures that committed genocide in the rest of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Greater Serbia policy, inspired by ideology, which aims to exterminate the Bosniak population and annex Bosnian territory to neighboring Serbia, pursued a genocidal policy towards the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks continuously in the period from 1992 to 1995. The goals of this paper are to show the genocidal character of the aggressive war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to point out the mistake, which is reflected in localization of the genocide against Bosniaks.
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Many will claim that life without pain is not a life. Yet, pain makes life so much harder to bear. In its fullness, pain takes life away from the present moment leading it into a longing for a time of its absence (even if this would mean the end of life itself). If life is defined by pain is it worth living? After all, we may not be experiencing pain in every moment but every moment carries a potentiality for pain. While its presence may vary from person to person, we all share this intimate exposure and vulnerability to pain and it is part of what defines us as humans. How we deal with pain on an individual level is not entirely in our control. Culture and the society we are embedded in provide us with the vocabulary for communicating pain and the stance on its value. The question then arises: How do we treat pain on a cultural and individual level? Bodily, sensory pain is perceived spontaneously, directly. Our bodies and their senses make us vulnerable to pain as well as susceptible to the pleasures of its opposites. Pain is defined as exclusively negative making our attitude one of resistance and the desire to be rid of it. This is, in itself, a result of a historically and culturally shaped vision. Simultaneously with avoiding it, however, we encourage and stimulate it, we seek it and it fascinates us. In any case, there is no indifference in or towards pain. When we are the ones inflicting it (torture, sadism), usually we seek explanations and further insight into this behavior. This paper aims to provide this insight. Torture and sadism, extreme forms of inflicting pain, were one of the instruments of committing genocide of Bosniaks in Srebrenica, July 1995. Our general conclusion is that pain, especially in its extreme form, cannot be perceived as anything other than pure negativity of human suffering.
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The doctrine of the Srebrenica genocide is a painful example for humanity that will forever serve as a warning wound to the world towards this, once, protected zone of the United Nations. One of the two great-power projects, which had a devastating effect on the South Slavic area, and which is the creator and performer of the Srebrenica pain, is basically deeply anticivilization and dehumanizing. Genocide in Srebrenica happened in spite of everything the international community, whatever they meant by that phenomenon, knew about the project and its actors. Especially since certain international values occurred and formed after the Second World War, it has been shown that an international arbiter is possible who can prevent the occurrence of genocidal intentions. The Srebrenica experience is astonishing in the heart of Europe, which has done almost nothing to prevent it from happening. And twenty-five years after him, he is just as unsuccessfully working to regain life in something that should be the eternal wound of the international community. Most responsible address as to why the Srebrenica genocide took place is the international one. And no “washing” of the unclean and dishonest conscience of international officials is and cannot be effective. And two and a half decades later, the same address bears the sole responsibility that everything that erases the memory of this monstrous act is erased, that crimes are kept silent, that convicted war criminals are glorified in certain parliaments that are bearers or those who were mere supporters of the mentioned projects. Such a sense of injustice, under the auspices of the international community, is stifling Srebrenica society, and thus Bosnia and Herzegovina and South Slavic. Political groups, power and, finally, the human nature of the universal code are to blame for everything that is happening in Srebrenica after two and a half decades. It is well known that often times large-scale media manipulations cause smart and determined individuals, as well as highly developed social and moral consciousness, to sink. That is not why justice should be done. There is no justice in the face of crime. And he may have an understanding. The only elementary justice that anyone who has committed a crime can try to establish is: first to realize that he did it, second to be sorry for what he did, third to repent for what he did, fourth to admit that he did it and fifth to finally bear all the consequences of every possible justice for what he has done. However, Srebrenica carries one dimension that is much larger than what is called a mass crime. It carries a postgenocidal dimension. The greatest sacrifice made by an innocent man in relation to his ethnic, religious or racial affiliation should carry planetary condemnation. If, even twenty-five years after the crime, there is no such condemnation, based on universal values, but many things are covered with a veil of oblivion, remembrance and non-confrontation, then it is a warning example for society and the international community, which is just as dehumanizing. And anticivilization, as much as the project that produced it.
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In Bosnia and Herzegovina, human rights are enshrined in the Dayton Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the constitutions of the entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska. According to the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms has priority over national legislation in the field of human rights protection. The exercise of human rights and freedoms of citizens in the municipality of Srebrenica in the period from 1995 to 2020, which are guaranteed by the Dayton Peace Agreement and relevant international conventions and other positive instruments for the exercise of human rights, was impossible, especially for Bosnian citizens in Srebrenica who were in the process of exercising the rights of returnees. This research analyzes the forms of human rights violations in the municipality of Srebrenica from 1996 to 2020. The paper presents proposals for the institutional protection of human rights of returnees to the city and municipality of Srebrenica.
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The biggest and most serious crime is the crime of genocide. Precisely because of the severity and complexity of genocide, as a social and security phenomenon, its research must be approached with special care and with the application of scientific theoretical and methodological procedures and concepts. In that way, modern scientific-theoretical knowledge and insights based on their concretization are obtained in empirical research of the crime of genocide. Namely, only through a continuous combination of scientific theory and practice we can gain valid and adequate knowledge about the crime of genocide, its essential characteristics manifested through various forms and methods of execution. If there is a dysfunctionality of the combination of scientific theory and practice, it will inevitably affect the results of research, regardless of the type of research, whether it is scientific, professional-methodical or specifically operational research. In order for such phenomena not to occur, it is necessary to critically and in-depth consider the previous theoretical-empirical research in order to understand the stated problems and overcome possible problems that may arise because the practice does not follow the theory. On the other hand, the interdependence and interdependence of theory and practice is not easy to see. If the separation from each other is real, spatial and temporal, then there is no unity between them, which leaves a trace on the success of the research and the results obtained on the actual scale of the crime of genocide.
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Više nego išta drugo, zaborav i prešućivanje smiruju savjest zločinaca. Praštanje neoprostivog zločina jeste zazivanje novog zločina. Dužni smo raskrinkati zločince objelodanjenom istinom, ne skidati ih sa stupa srama – nikada. Ponavljajmo riječ “Srebrenica”, podsjećajmo na zločin genocida u svakom trenutku, danju i noću, neprestano, da ga i potomci zločinaca, i potomci žrtava, kao i sve buduće generacije svijeta, uvijek imaju na umu i nikada ne zaborave. Za to su nam potrebni: a. svjedoci; b. dokazi. Jedan od onih koji ovu najveću ljudsku moralnu obavezu svjedoka zločina izvršavaju na najbolji način jeste Kadir Habibović. Umjesto nijeme žrtve, sam Bog kao da je htio da on postane gromoglasni svjedok genocida. Njegova knjiga Život protiv smrti postala je vječni stup srama za sve zločince genocida u Srebrenici i svojom snagom istine pokrenula je klizeće brdo dokaza. Ovo je prilika da još jednom podsjetimo i zločince, i žrtve, kao i cijeli svijet, na zločin genocida u Srebrenici.
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Presented study analyzes the demographic and psychological predictors of subjective perception of safety, which was studied by the fear of crime, behavior and cognition. Demographic predictors represented gender, age, education, country and previous victimization. Psychological - a risk tendency, conservatism and the need of structure. The analysis included 1847 respondents. The results suggest that individual assessment of the safety were affected by gender, partly by psychological characteristics.
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6 Şubat 2023 tarihli Kahramanmaraş merkezli yıkıcı çifte depremde on binlerce kişi hayatını kaybetmiş ve birçok aile acı bir şekilde dağılmıştır. Ondan fazla ilimizde büyük bir enkaza neden olan deprem, en savunmasız kesim olan çocuklar ve gençler için de büyük bir tehlike oluşturmuştur. Bu bağlamda, çocuklar ve gençlerin fiziksel yaralanmalarının yanı sıra, ailelerini kaybetmiş olmanın yarattığı psikolojik travmalar önemli bir sorundur. Yaşanan olumsuzluklar çocukların ve gençlerin travma sonrası stres bozukluğu, depresyon, umutsuzluk, kaygı ve benzeri psikolojik rahatsızlıklar geliştirmesine neden olabilir (İşmen, 2016; Kardaş ve Tanhan, 2018).
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Türkiye’de Şubat 2023 tarihli Kahramanmaraş merkezli ve müteakip bir dizi depremin yol açtığı can kaybı ve yıkım deprem bölgesi ile sınırlıdır. Ancak deprem tüm Türkiye toplumunda kollektif bir travma yaratmıştır. Deprem, bölgedeki ve bölgeden göç eden depremzedeler kadar yurt genelinde ve yurt dışında bulunan, bölgede kayıpları ve tanıdıkları olan, bölgeyi bilen ya da yaşananlara tanık olanları derinden etkilemiştir. Depremin ilk anından bu yana, Türkiye toplumu bu travmayı kapsayıcı bir dayanışma tavrı ile iyileştirmeye çalışmaktadır. Bundan sonraki süreçte yapılması gereken, bu acı deneyimden evrilen toplumsal bütünlük duygusunu temel almak ve kapsayıcı müdahale mekanizmaları ile pekiştirmektir. Makale, ulusal, bölgesel ve yerel politikalarda kapsayıcılığı sağlamak için kırılgan depremzedelere özel önem verilmesini savunur
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The policy on combating the violence against women is one of the major issues on the European Commission agenda that has as main objectives to put under the EU law the violence against women and domestic violence crime, also cybercrime, sexual harassment and exploitation and money laundering.Our study follows to explore the evolution of European decisions on combating the violence against women revealing the regulation in force, the analysis of the main statistical data provided by the Eurostat, by the European Institute for Gender Equality, The World Health Organisation that reveal the concrete actions for formulate and implement the public policy in EU. The analysis proposes further developments as the policy can be more active and effective in EU member states taking into consideration that the regulation provided and enforced at EU level constitutes a strong support.
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Violence against women is a form of gender inequality, an integral part of the social system, and is linked to other aspects of human and economic development. The media portrayal of violence against women as an acceptable private problem is directly related to its normalisation within the society. The media have the power to shape notions of the acceptable, create behaviour trends and even influence, challenge or reject gender norms, gender stereotypes and discrimination. Following the framework of the Guidelines for Reporting on Violence Against Women published by UNESCO and the International Federation of Journalists, this study explores the frames, narratives and language patterns used in Croatian online news articles to represent women in reporting about violence against them. The sample of 1186 articles published in two different periods between 2018 and 2021 were analysed using qualitative content analysis, framing analysis, narrative analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Key results of this study show that violence against women is framed as a private problem, while the blame for the violence is often shifted from the perpetrator to the victim. Results confirm the presence of secondary victimisation and show that violence against women as a topic is exploited to attract the readers’ attention since sensationalism is often present in headlines and article’s narrative.
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U Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, istraživanja o seksualnom nasilju u kampusima počinju od 1950-ih godina (Kamin, 1957; Kirkpatrick i Kanin, 1957). Uslijedile su brojne studije (Fisher, Daigle i Cullen, 2010), a u kampusima širom zemlje sukcesivno su uvođeni programi za prevenciju silovanja. Američki kongres je dao svoj doprinos usvajanjem saveznog zakonodavstva, Bijela kuća se angažirala na rješavanju problema 2014. godine, a medijsko izvještavanje o skandalima sa seksualnim napadima u kampusima je intenzivirano. Ipak, problem je i dalje prisutan. Teško je odgovoriti zbog čega je to tako.
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„(…) Mnogo je lakše fokusirati se na uspjehe ustanove, nego na njene neuspjehe. Međutim, časno je kad možemo priznati da nismo uspjeli; ali da odbijamo i dalje biti neuspješni u tom pogledu.“ (Sophie Johnston, predsjednica, Vijeće studentskih predstavnika, Univerzitet New South Wales, 2016) U avgustu 2017. godine, Komisija za ljudska prava Australije (Komisija) objavila je izvještaj o svojim nalazima i analizu prvog nacionalnog istraživanja među studenticama i studentima o seksualnom napadu i uznemiravanju na australijskim univerzitetima. Izvještaj pod nazivom Promjena kursa: Nacionalni izvještaj o seksualnom napadu i seksualnom uznemiravanju na australijskim univerzitetima (Promjena kursa) dao je važnu naznaku o prirodi i razmjerama seksualnog nasilja na univerzitetima. Što je još važnije, otkrio je široko nezadovoljstvo studenata odgovorima univerziteta na prijave seksualnog nasilja, adekvatnošću usluga podrške i korisnošću preventivnih mjera.
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Na prelasku u novi milenij, povećana javna i politička svijest o prirodi, razmjerama i uticaju svih oblika rodno zasnovanog nasilja na žene širom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva dovela je do značajnog širenja okvira nacionalne politike i finansiranja prevencije rodno zasnovanog nasilja i pružanja specijaliziranih usluga. Rodno zasnovano nasilje u kontekstima visokog obrazovanja posljednjih godina je privuklo pažnju istraživačica i istraživača, vlade, medija i visokoobrazovnih ustanova (pogledati npr. Nacionalna studentska unija (NUS) 2011, 2012; Jackson i Sundaram, 2015). Naime, domaći i međunarodni mediji su u svom izvještavanju označili univerzitete kao „mjesta nasilja“ nad ženama, s posebnim naglaskom na seksualnom nasilju i uznemiravanju (Fenton i sar., 2016: 5).
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Since the introduction of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law in 1985, the term seku-hara, or “sexual harassment,” has been widely used in everyday life in Japan. However, accusing someone of sexual harassment is still difficult, and women often do not speak out for fear of secondary harm (Ito 2017; McNeil 2018). Against this backdrop, a sexual harassment accusation was levied by a female journalist against a top governmental bureaucrat in the Ministry of Finance in 2018. After a weekly news magazine reported this case based on an audio file secretly recorded by the journalist at a meeting, public debates arose over the “appropriateness” of the accuser’s actions, potentially leading to victim bashing. In this research, three main controversies are focused on: (1) the appropriateness of unauthorized recordings obtained by the journalist at the meeting, (2) leaking the audio to a media company that the journalist is not employed by, and (3) the “woman’s way of working”. Drawing on the Framing Theory (Entman 1993), this paper analyzes these issues, focusing on social and cultural norms that underlie differing opinions. We argue that the usual social norms and those social norms in the crisis must be distinguished with regard to (1). Regarding (2), some interpret her action as violating professional ethics, while others view it as a form of social resistance akin to whistleblowing. The third debate shows that conventional social values in Japan conflict with new labor ethics that seek gender equality in the workplace.
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