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Izbor - Kosmet, 2007 / 03 / 02

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

KO U NATO-u I U EU PODRŽAVA, A KO NE PODRŽAVA NEZAVISNOST (Koha ditore - Priština) RUSKI BLEF (Koha ditore - Priština) DA LI KOSOVO DUGUJE SRBIJI 700 MILIONA EVRA? (Albania - Tirana) SRBIJA JOŠ JEDNOM NAGRAĐENA! (LajmeNet - Tirana) BESKRAJNI «ISTORIJSKI» DANI KOSOVA (Shqip - Tirana) IZAZOV ZA NOVO KOSOVO (Koha jonë - Tirana) “DEJA VU” (Lajm - Priština) OTVARANJE PUTA ZAMARTIJA AHTISARIJA (Zëri - Priština) BEŽANJE OD ULOGE ŽRTVE (Express - Priština) STATUS KOSOVA ZAVISI OD PTK-a! (Koha ditore - Priština) ZAHTEVI ZA AHTISARIJA (Infopress - Priština) INTERENET «VOJSKA» (Iliria Post - Priština) ISPIT ZRELOSTI! (Koha ditore - Priština) STABILNOST KOSOVA DANAS ZNAČI I NJEGOV SUVERENITET - DANAS (Infopress - Priština) KOMPROMIS O VOLJI NARODA I PONAVLJANJE ISTORIJE (Epoka e re - Priština) UVREDA ZA LOGIKU I POLITIKU (Zëri - Priština) OPASNE SRPSKE IGRE (Infopress - Priština) NEMA POVRATKA (Zëri - Priština) STATUS KOSOVA NIJE TEORETSKI (Koha ditore - Priština)

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ОБЩЕСТВЕНИТЕ НАГЛАСИ КЪМ МЕДИИТЕ - СТРУКТУРА И ДИНАМИКА (септември 1999 г.)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

This sociological analysis is based on empirical data from representative public opinion surveys conducted by the Center for the Study of Democracy in May 1998, February 1999 and September 1999. Its purpose is to outline the sustainable structure of the information society space in the country as well as the degree of influence of the mass media on the Bulgarian society. The analysis of dynamics and changes in citizens' attitudes for a period of a year and a half indicates the key trends in the development of public opinion towards the media. The report outlined a number of prerequisites underlying the effective functioning of the mass media in Bulgaria.

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Обществените нагласи към медиите - структура и динамика (февруари 1999 г.)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present sociological analysis is based on empirical data from representative public opinion surveys conducted by the Center for the Study of Democracy in May 1998 and February 1999. Its purpose is to outline the sustainable structure of the information space in the country as well the degree of influence of the mass media on the Bulgarian society. The report outlines several key prerequisites and issues underpinning the functioning of the media.

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Слушателска аудитория на радио веригата Витоша-Атлантик, ноември 1995

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

In the period 1993-1995 the redistribution of radio-audiences started - the sharp competition, characteristic for the initial period, decreased and gradually the relative shares of the individual radio stations equaled. There is no longer the prevalence of preferences for a particular station that is characteristic of the start-up period. The Sofia audience of the "Vitosha-Atlantic" radio chain has emerged as one of the largest in size.

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Nedostaci i dobre strane izvještaja Međunarodne krizne grupe pod nazivom: „Šta želi Republika Srpska?“

Author(s): Amela Kadrić / Language(s): Bosnian

Izvještaj Međunarodne krizne grupe određene oblasti obradio je jako dobro i skrenuo pažnju na niz značajnih problema koji su jasno uočljivi u ovom entitetu, poput snažne centralizacije ili problema sa aktuelnom vlašću u odnosu prema opoziciji. Ipak, Izvještaj sadrži niz manjkavosti. One se očituju u metodološkoj slabosti koja proizlazi iz anonimnih izvora i nejasnih referenci „sa terena“ koje ne pružaju osnov za vjeru u njihovu vjerodostojnost i autentičnost. Kontradiktornost u Izvještaju koja se očituje u činjeničnim utvrđenjima do kojih je ICG došao vršeći svoje istraživanje i Preporukama koje su u potpunosti suprotne tim utvrđenjima također su značajan nedostatak Izvještaja. Propusti sa preporukama za koje nije jasno zašto su upućene vladi RS ili predsjedniku RS, ili ilustruju naznačenu kontradiktornost veliki su nedostatak Izvještaja. Manjkavost Izvještaja je i u njegovoj jednostranosti koja je evidentna iz propusta da budu obrađene značajne oblasti poput pravosuđa, medija, statusa državne imovine, policije,...Posebno je zabrinjavajuće da je ICG podatke o problemima u ovim oblastima u toku istraživanja dobivao iz različitih izvora, od kojih su neki, kako je naznačeno, praktičari iz tih područja koji su prenosili svoja iskustva, a da na to uopće nije skrenuo pažnju javnosti. Također, falsificiranje stvarnosti koje se očituje u činjeničnim navodima koji se odnose na pitanje početka rata u BiH, trenutnih emocija građana RS prema BiH kao državi, navodima o nacionalizmu koji pogoduju secesionističkim motivima RS, predstavljaju vrlo značajan propust Izvještaja. Zaključno, Izvještaju generalno nedostaje koherentnost obrađenih cjelina koja onemogućava čitatelja da lako uprati sve probleme koje su analitičari sa terena uočili. Bilo bi dobro da su svi problemi iz određene oblasti naznačeni na jednom mjestu i da čitatelji ne moraju trošiti dodatno vrijeme da povezuju navode iz jedne oblasti sa drugom kako bi saznali barem dio informacija o nekom problemu koji je uočen. Tako npr. problem s medijima ili policijom postaje jasan tek kada se izvrši analiza svih navoda iz Izvještaja što može zbuniti ili dovesti do nejasnoća.

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O Izvještaju Helsinškog komiteta za ljudska prava u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Amela Kadrić / Language(s): Bosnian

Analizirani Izvještaj je formalno i sadržajno nepotpun. Nedostaci su: neprecizna metodologija analize, nejasni, apstraktno paušalizirani i netačni podaci. Samo bi tačni podaci omogućili rad na poboljšanju problema koji su uočeni u prethodnoj godini i koji zahtijevaju da se svakodnevno rješavaju. Svi podaci u Izvještaju, bez obzira na stepen tačnosti, moraju počivati na jasnim i konkretnim referencama, uputama i imenima, odnosno na relevantnim podacima koji omogućuju individualizaciju slučaja. Nije sporno da diskriminacija postoji i da je sveprisutna. Sporan je, međutim, metod! Izvještaj ne smije započinjati zaključkom koji nema korespodentno objašenjenje. Odmah se otvara pitanje na osnovu čega je zaključak izveden. Takav „metod“ nema dodirnih tačaka sa realnim i stručnim Izvještajem eksperata na koji se mogu osloniti socijalne strukture, NGO's i međunarodne organizacije. Konačno, ozbiljan nedostatak Izvještaja je jezik: to je jezik politike koji nema uporište u činjenicama.

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Medijski sporovi u BiH: Deset godina sudske prakse u sporovima za zaštitu od klevete

Author(s): Amela Kadrić / Language(s): Bosnian

Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only country in the region which decriminalized defamation and transferred it from criminal to civil legal domain, even with certain shortcomings, has well elaborated anti-defamation acts. Although defamation laws exist at three levels: FB&H, RS and BDB&H, they are harmonized and provide same protection. In past 10 years, since Defamation law was enacted in the Federation, well established case-law has been developed. However, there are some differencies in the case-law of FB&H, RS and BDB&H courts, which might raise concerns as to equal protection of human rights as set forth in the ECHR. Problem of identification of libeled person is a very serious issue, because courts have different legal standing on this particular issue. The other problem is of the question of responsibility of libeler, on which courts also have different opinions. Some courts consider that person who gave information to the author of the text published in media cannot be responsible for defamation, while other courts take different position. It would be highly recommended that the case-law in respect of these problems becomes as harmonized as possible. Another problem is the issues of interim measures. Author argues that statutory provisions are imprecise and incomplete and that it is difficult for courts to utilize these provisions due to imprecise definitions. Author also argues that the use of medical expert witnesses – neuropsychiatrists - in order to decide on non-pecuniary damages if defamation is established, creates further problems and is contrary to the European Court’s and B&H Constitutional Courts’s case-law. Furthermore, this often leads to unnecessary delays in court procedure which is in case of defamation urgent ex lege. Therefore, the author argues that this problem might be overcome by stricter application of ECHR standards in relation to this issue, which will also contribute to the speedy resolution of such cases.

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Srbija pred Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava

Author(s): Vladan Joksimović / Language(s): Serbian

Republic of Serbia has ratified the European Convention on Human Rights in 2004, as a part, at that time, of the State Union Serbia and Montenegro. After the dissolution of the State Union in 2006, Republic of Serbia, as the successor, has continued being a member of the Council of Europe and the party of the Convention. By the end of November 2010, the European Court of Human Rights has delivered 47 judgements in cases against Serbia. In only 3 of them, were found no violations of the Convention. In all other cases at least one Convention right was violated. Regarding the number of applications pending before the Court Serbia is very high on the list, somewhere around 10th place. Statistically speaking, the number of applications compared with the number of citizens (including Kosovo), gives Serbia index of 1, 60. It is not very easy to make a logical and comprehensive overview of the judgments against Serbia. However, the issues mentioned in the judgments, which are more or less problematic in the Serbian legal system are the following: fair trial and length of proceedings, detention issues, freedom of expression and enforcement of national judicial and administrative decisions (including the issue of socially owned companies and labour related benefits).

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ROBOTROLLING 4/2018

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This issue of Robotrolling examines users suspended by Twitter. Contrary to expectation, most of the accounts were human-controlled accounts rather than bots. Since 2017, the speed at which Twitter suspended misbehaving users has by two measures almost doubled. However, removals of Russian-language accounts have been considerably slower than for English. The speed of removal can be critical, for instance in the context of an election. The Latvian elections, conducted on 6 October 2018, passed with remarkably little Russian language activity about the NATO presence in the country. Our analyses show a movement in the past year away from automated manipulation to humans operating fake or disposable identities online. The figures published in this issue reflect the good work done to tackle bots, but show much work remains to tackle manipulation through fake human-controlled accounts. Bots created 46% of Russian-language messaging about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland. More than 50% of Russian-language messaging about Estonia this quarter came from automated accounts. Anonymous human-operated accounts posted 46% of all English-language messages about Poland, compared to 29% for the Baltic States. This discrepancy is both anomalous and persistent. Some of the messaging is probably artificial. We continue to publish measures of fake social activity in the hope that quantifying the problem will focus minds on solving it.

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Govor mržnje na internetu: međunarodni standardi i zaštita

Author(s): Sevima Sali-Terzić / Language(s): Bosnian

Hate speech on Internet has been more present in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last years, as noted by ECRI and European Commission in their reports. The particular problem presents the fact that, despite ECRI recommendations from 2016, and obligations that BiH accepted by ratification of the Additional Protocol to the Convention on Cybercrime, concerning the criminalisation of acts of a racist and xenophobic nature committed through computer systems, criminal laws have not been amended in a way to conform to the requirements set forth in this document nor in Committee of Ministers' Recomendation 97(20). Also, there is no adequate protection in civil or administrative laws that would allow those affected by on-line hate speech to seek redress. It is argued in this Article that the competent authorities should develop a comprehensive strategy to tackle on-line hate speech. This strategy should include different measures such as: legislative amendments in criminal and civil laws, enactment of a separate law that would include a clear definition of hate speech, obligations of on-line media in relation to establishing mechanisms for more efficient monitoring and prevention of hate speech, as well as their civil liability for hate speech in their publications and for users generated content. However, all legislative measures should be carefully designed in order not to undermine or allow disproportional restrictions to the freedom of speech or to have “chilling effect” on media or to discourage public debate and criticism. Until then, the courts should adhere to their constitutional obligation to directly apply ECHR and should interpret inadequate laws in a way that will not undermine the Convention rights.

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Priručnik za državne službenike, civilno društvo i medije za prepoznavanje i postupanje u slučajevima diskriminacije

Author(s): Branislava Crnčević,Jasminka Džumhur,Lejla Hadžimešić,Ivanka Taraba,Aldin Arnautović,Inela Hadžić,Nermin Hanjalić / Language(s): Bosnian

Princip ravnopravnosti i zabrane diskriminacije sadržan je u svim međunarodnim sporazumima o ljudskim pravima. Povelja Ujedinjenih nacija obavezuje sve članice na “poštivanje ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda za sve, bez razlikovanja rase, spola, jezika ili vjere”. Također, Univerzalna deklaracija o ljudskim pravima garantuje svim ljudima slobodu i jednakost u dostojanstvu i pravima, bez obzira na “bilo kakvu razliku kao što je rasa, boja kože, spol, jezik, vjera, političko ili neko drugo uvjerenje, nacionalno ili društveno porijeklo, imovina, rođenje ili neki drugi status”. Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH), Ustav Republike Srpske (RS), Ustav Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine (FBiH) i Statut Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine (BD BiH) sadrže odredbe o zabrani diskriminacije. Dodatno, Ustavom BiH je zagarantovana direktna primjena Evropske konvencije o zaštiti ljudskih prava i njenih protokola u BiH, te je utvrđen njihov prioritet nad svim ostalim zakonima. Pored toga, Aneksom I na Ustav navedeno je dodatnih 15 međunarodnih dokumenata, među kojima su i Međunarodni pakt o ekonomskim, socijalnim i kulturnim pravima, Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije nad ženama, kao Konvencija o pravima djeteta. [...]

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DISINFORMATION IN SWEDEN

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In June 2015, a Swedish government proposition for a new National Defence Policy 2016-2020 triggered a nation-wide debate about rebuilding Sweden’s “total defence” capacity and the remilitarisation of the strategically important island of Gotland. During this domestic debate, a report by a US think tank also stimulated pro-NATO narratives, alleging that Sweden was not able to defend itself against a qualified opponent without NATO support. Joining the debate, Sputnik published an English-language news article which directly accused Sweden of preparing to fire missiles from Gotland Island. The article used statements from the Governor of Gotland and a well-known military commentator, but removed context, and mistranslated and distorted their remarks. Sputnik did not quote the original source, but instead referred to third-party sources in different languages. This Sputnik article provides a typical example of the systematic means by which Swedish domestic media debates are used as part of wider influence strategies by pro-Russian actors.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. ROBOTROLLING 3/2019

Author(s): Belén Carrasco Rodríguez,John Gallagher,Rolf Fredheim / Language(s): English

In the period May—July 2019 bots accounted for 55% of all Russian-language messages on Twitter. This big increase in automated activity was largely driven by news-bots contributing to information effects around stories published by the Kremlin’s propaganda outlet, Sputnik. On VK, the bot presence also increased, and currently accounts for one quarter of all users. 17% of English language messaging was done by bots. Three military exercises were of particular interest for Russian-language bots on Twitter and VK: Spring Storm, Baltic Operations (BALTOPS), and Dragon-19. The level of Twitter activity during the month of July was less than half that observed for the period May–June. Having studied robotic activity for almost three years, we see a clear pattern: whenever a military exercise takes place, coverage by hostile pro-Kremlin media is systematically amplified by inauthentic accounts. In this issue of Robotrolling we take a closer look at how manipulation has changed during the period 2017–2019 in response to measures implemented by Twitter. Since 2017 bot activity has changed. Spam bots have given way to news bots—accounts promoting fringe or fake news outlets—and mention-trolls, which systematically direct messaging in support of pro-Kremlin voices and in opposition to its critics. We present an innovative case study measuring the impact political social media manipulation has on online conversations. Analysis of Russian Internet Research Agency posts to the platform Reddit shows that manipulation caused a short-term increase in the number of identity attacks by other users, as well as a longer-term increase in the toxicity of conversations.

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The EU’s Approach to the Development of Mass Media in Central Asia

Author(s): Gulnura Toralieva / Language(s): English

In spite of positive developments in terms of human rights, the rule of law and democratisation in Central Asia following the adoption of the European Union (EU) Strategy in June 2007, the state of the mass media continues to deteriorate in all five countries in the region. The dialogue on human rights initiated by the EU mostly focuses on the reform of the judicial and correctional systems, as well as on the rights of disenfranchised segments of the population, all of which is unarguably crucial for further democratisation in Central Asian states. However, restrictions on freedom of speech through the moral, physical and economic coercion of journalists, and the inexorably shrinking circle of independent media, have so far failed to attract the attention of the EU.

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RUSSIA’S FOOTPRINT IN THE WESTERN BALKAN INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

Author(s): Dimitar Bechev,Rufin Zamfir,Tihomira Doncheva / Language(s): English

This is a summary of four reports published by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence in the framework of project “Russia’s Footprint in the Western Balkan Information Environment”. You can read full reports by clicking on links or visiting www.stratcomcoe.org: Russia’s Strategic Interests and Tools of Influence in the Western Balkans; Risks and Vulnerabilities in the Western Balkans; Russia’s Narratives toward Western Balkans: Analysis of Sputnik Srbija; Tracking Russia’s Narratives in the Western Balkan Media; The project investigates Russia’s tools of influence in the Western Balkans (WB), with a focus on the media landscape. The scope of analysis is Russia’s activities in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. The project analyses Russia’s interests and influence toolbox, as well as identifies the vulnerabilities that make the Western Balkan countries susceptible to hostile influence. It also identifies the Kremlin’s narratives in the WB as well as looks at the role of local WB media in spreading those narratives. The report provides a basis for interested stakeholders to understand the methods and means that Russia uses to influence decision-making in the Western Balkans, as well as offers insights into the regional characteristics that facilitate Russia’s influence in the WB media space.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 138, god. VIII, Beograd, utorak, 20. avgust 2013.

Author(s): Branislav Jakovljević,Saša Ćirić,Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić,Predrag Lucić,Mileta Mijatović / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

MIXER, Branislav Jakovljević: Legitimizacija ćutanjem i veseljem; CEMENT, Saša Ćirić: Teror pohlepe protiv terora straha; ARMATURA, Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić: Nove političke stranke - nove opcije ili samo popunjavanje političkog prostora?; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Predrag Lucić: Geni, geni Coheni; BLOK BR. V, Mileta Mijatović i Johanna Marcade: Čopor

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Jezična prošlost u službi politike

Author(s): Snježana Kordić / Language(s): Croatian

U ove četiri države, u Hrvatskoj, Srbiji, Bosni i Hercegovini i Crnoj Gori vlada nacionalizam. Nacionalističkim elitama je jako stalo da kroz škole i medije usađuju u populaciju takvu priču o prošlosti koja bi opravdala i čak učinila naizgled neminovnim ono što je u interesu vladajućih. Cilj im je, preko onoga što predočavaju kao povijest, cementirati nacionalističku ideologiju. Pritom se koriste dvije glavne strategije: jedna je stalno ponavljanje neistina, a druga je prešućivanje bitnih činjenica. Te strategije presudno obilježavaju prikazivanje naše jezične prošlosti. Kako to u praksi izgleda, o tome će sada biti riječi.

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ROBOTROLLING 3/2020

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Kristina Van Sant / Language(s): English

Inauthentic activity in the Russian-language information space this quarter targeted NATO military exercises, peaking on 8 June with the commencement of BALTOPS in the Baltic Sea. Conversations amplified by both automated and anonymous accounts portrayed NATO’s summer exercises as exceptionally aggressive and demonstrative of the alliance’s ambitions to expand into Belarus and Ukraine. Throughout this quarter, we observed a significant increase in English-language bot activity. This flurry of activity was triggered by public statements suggesting the US move nuclear weapons, troops, and military equipment from Germany to Poland for permanent deployment. While the volume of Russian-language automated activity on both Twitter and VK shrunk this quarter, the percentage of conversations amplified by bot voices increased. Statebacked media outlets Sputnik and RT were popular sources of information among both English- and Russian-language audiences. The latter two sections of this report concentrate on the deleted account dataset published by Twitter in June 2020. First, we compare our list of previously identified bot accounts with those published by Twitter, which is visualised in Figure 5. Second, we evaluate Twitter’s capacity for combatting inauthentic activity on its platform, concluding that rates of identification, suspension, and deletion of accounts are unnecessarily slow.

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ROBOTROLLING 4/2020

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Kristina Van Sant / Language(s): English

This quarter, the disputed presidential election result and nationwide protests in Belarus were the main targets of inauthentic Russian-language accounts, resulting in a cluster of spikes in fake activity in August. Pro-Lukashenka users concocted an external threat from NATO by pushing false claims of NATO buildup along the Belarusian border and shared rumours of impending intervention. Automated users asserted that NATO posed an internal threat in Belarus as well, alleging that the demonstrations are “puppeteered” by the West. The situation in Belarus coincided with the most pronounced uptick in attention from identifiably human Russian-language accounts. Compared to the previous report, the portion of messages attributed to identifiable humans increased from 14% to 18% on Twitter and from 26% to nearly 30% on VK. This increase in legitimate engagement in NATO-related discussions of Belarus drove down the percentage of bot users to the lowest figure we have observed, 15% on Russian Twitter and 19% on VK. English-language activity focused on Polish affairs, both independently and in relation to the ongoing protests in Belarus. Inauthentic English-language discussions peaked with announcements of US troop relocation from Germany to Poland. In September, former US vice president Joe Biden made critical comments about Hungary and Poland, triggering the highest volume of automated retweets from English-language bots this quarter. Finally, in this instalment of Robotrolling we take a look at the supply side of fake social media accounts. The second iteration of the COE’s social media manipulation experiment tracks variation between the responses of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram and TikTok to inauthentic engagement. Strikingly, the report found that Instagram is 10x cheaper to manipulate than Facebook, TikTok has virtually no self-regulatory defences, and it remains easy to manipulate US senators’ accounts, even during an election period.

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ROBOTROLLING 1/2021

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Kristina Van Sant / Language(s): English

This quarter, we observed a significant drop in both authentic and inauthentic engagement with the topic of NATO in Poland and the Baltics. The number of bots and the volume of messages they disseminated decreased among both English- and Russian-language communities on Twitter and VK. Spikes in bot activity this winter coincided with NATO military exercises. Inauthentic accounts placed particular emphasis on unfounded claims of disorderly conduct among NATO soldiers and the alleged effects that military exercises have on local civilian populations. Throughout this period, inauthentic accounts also amplified claims of turmoil within the alliance and fears of military buildup along the border of Kaliningrad. While Russian-language bot activity was focused primarily on military affairs, English-language bot activity was centered on US affairs in the wake of the 2020 presidential election, particularly debates over how the Biden administration will impact US-Polish relations and transatlantic security more generally. In this issue of Robotrolling, we also discuss the steps Twitter has taken to protect its platforms from attempts to incite violence, organise attacks, and share misinformation following the riot at the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. This regulatory enforcement resulted in the removal of tens of thousands of accounts connected to QAnon conspiracy theorists. Our analysis is accompanied by a visualisation of the English-language accounts mentioning the NATO presence in Poland and the Baltics, demonstrating the impact these account removals will have on the information space.

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