The press and freedom of speech in Ukraine ahead of parliamentary elections

Author(s): Tadeusz Iwański / Language(s): English

The independence of the mass media has been regularly restricted over the past two years in Ukraine. Following a period of relative freedom in 2005–2010, the scope of direct and indirect government control of the press has increased, cancelling out the achievements of the Orange Revolution in this area. The press in Ukraine is less and less able to perform its role as watchdog on the government and politicians and as a reliable source of information on the situation in the country to the public.This is mainly due to: (1) the concentration of the most important mass media in the hands of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs, whose business interests depend on the government; (2) the use of the press as instruments in political and business competition; (3) the ruling class’s subordination of the institutions which supervise the press; (4) repression used against media critical of the government and (5) the lack of an independent public broadcasting corporation. As a consequence, the press has hardly any impact on the political processes taking place ahead of the parliamentary election scheduled for 28 October. This is also an effect of a passiveness present in the Ukrainian public, who are tired of politics and are focused on social issues. Cases of abuse or corruption scandals revealed by the press do not provoke any response from the public and are rarely investigated by the public prosecution authorities.

Serving politics. Television’s role in Ukraine’s presidential election

Author(s): Krzysztof Nieczypor / Language(s): English

Television plays a major role in the formation of public opinion in Ukraine. For 85% of the population, it represents their main source of information. By providing information about candidates in an election, their manifestos, and events surrounding election campaigns, television stations have a fundamental impact on the popularity of individual politicians and political parties, and their prospects of taking up senior posts. Online and press sources play a much smaller role in determining public opinion. Although the authorities in Kyiv have attempted to legislate to reform the media sector from 2014 onwards, the process of making the envisaged changes has come to a standstill. It has proven impossible to eliminate the problems that existed in the media prior to the Maidan revolution. The major television stations are still controlled by a small group of the wealthiest oligarchs, and are used by these oligarchs as vehicles for furthering their business and political agendas. The predominantly privately-owned media are highly dependent on the political and business relations between their proprietors and politicians. As a result of these ties, television stations under oligarch control have been engaging in measures to support or discredit particular candidates in the current presidential election campaign. Due to the importance and the part played by the media in shaping public attitudes, their influence over the outcome of the presidential election due to be held on 31 March will be considerable.

W służbie polityki. Rola telewizji w wyborach prezydenckich na Ukrainie

Author(s): Krzysztof Nieczypor / Language(s): Polish

Telewizja odgrywa decydującą rolę w kształtowaniu opinii społecznej na Ukrainie, pozostając dla 85% mieszkańców głównym źródłem informacji. Przekazując wiadomości na temat kandydatów w wyborach, ich programów politycznych oraz przebiegu kampanii, stacje telewizyjne w zasadniczym stopniu wpływają na poziom popularności poszczególnych polityków i partii politycznych oraz ich szanse na objęcie najważniejszych stanowisk w państwie. Znacznie mniejsze znaczenie w kreowaniu nastrojów społecznych mają źródła internetowe i drukowane. Pomimo podjętych po 2014 roku przez władze w Kijowie prób wprowadzenia regulacji prawnych mających na celu zreformowanie rynku medialnego zaobserwować można stagnację w procesie przeprowadzania zapowiadanych zmian. Nie udało się wyeliminować negatywnych zjawisk obecnych w mediach przed rewolucją godności. Główne kanały telewizyjne wciąż znajdują się w rękach wąskiej grupy najbogatszych oligarchów, którzy wykorzystują je jako narzędzia walki politycznej i biznesowej. Zdominowane przez prywatny kapitał media cechują się dużym stopniem uzależnienia od relacji polityczno-biznesowych ich właścicieli z politykami. Skutkiem tych powiązań jest zaangażowanie kontrolowanych przez oligarchów stacji telewizyjnych we wspieranie lub dyskredytowanie poszczególnych kandydatów w trwającej kampanii wyborczej na urząd prezydenta. Biorąc pod uwagę znaczenie i rolę mediów w kreowaniu nastrojów społecznych, ich wpływ na rezultat zaplanowanych na 31 marca wyborów prezydenckich należy uznać za znaczący.

China’s Public Diplomacy on Social Media

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): English

China’s authorities are expanding the promotion of Chinese politics abroad through social media such as Twitter and Facebook, popular in Europe and the U.S. but blocked in China. In recent months, many Chinese diplomatic missions and ambassadors have set up accounts on these platforms, and Twitter profiles had already been established by prominent state media employees. Through their interactions with users and positive presentations of Chinese policy, they seek to change attitudes to China in European and American societies and sway experts and political leaders in their countries. Although these actions are in the preliminary stage, the Chinese authorities will try to expand their influence on the decision-making processes in the EU and U.S.

Dyplomacja publiczna ChRL w mediach społecznościowych

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): Polish

Władze ChRL poszerzają promocję chińskiej polityki za granicą przez media społecznościowe takie jak Twitter i Facebook, popularne w Europie czy USA, ale blokowane w ChRL. W ostatnich miesiącach wiele chińskich placówek dyplomatycznych i ambasadorów założyło na nich konta. Profile na Twitterze mieli już wcześniej prominentni pracownicy mediów państwowych. Wchodząc w interakcje z użytkownikami i przedstawiając politykę ChRL w pozytywnym świetle, dążą do zmiany nastawienia europejskich i amerykańskich społeczeństw – w tym aparatu władzy i ekspertów – do Chin. Choć działania te są na początkowym etapie, władze ChRL będą je rozwijać, próbując wpływać na proces decyzyjny w UE i USA.

The Lithuanian Model in the Fight against Disinformation

Author(s): Kinga Raś / Language(s): English

To counter Russian disinformation and cyberattacks, Lithuania has adapted its administrative structures and modified national legislation. At the same time, it aims to mobilise the other countries of the European Union to systemically counteract the use of fake news to manipulate public opinion. Poland, which is also exposed to Russian disinformation campaigns, can take advantage of the Lithuanian experience.

Polityka Litwy na rzecz walki z dezinformacją

Author(s): Kinga Raś / Language(s): Polish

Aby przeciwstawić się rosyjskim działaniom dezinformacyjnym i atakom cybernetycznym, Litwa dostosowuje struktury administracyjne i modyfikuje ustawodawstwo krajowe. Jednocześnie mobilizuje pozostałe państwa Unii Europejskiej do systemowej walki z fake newsami używanymi do manipulowania opinią publiczną. Polska, która również jest narażona na rosyjskie kampanie dezinformacyjne, może skorzystać z litewskich doświadczeń.

Media “Foreign Agents:” Implications for U.S.-Russia Relations and International Cooperation

Author(s): Andrzej Dąbrowski,Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): English

U.S. authorities ordered Russia’s RT and Sputnik news agencies to register as foreign agents. In response, the Russian parliament amended its law on media that receive foreign funding, giving them similar status. With the drop in confidence in Russia by both parties in Washington, the U.S. administration is using existing regulations to avert accusations that Donald Trump favours Russia. That in turn has prompted Russia to further increase government control over media coverage in the country.

Media jako „zagraniczni agenci” w USA i Rosji: implikacje dla relacji dwustronnych i współpracy międzynarodowej

Author(s): Andrzej Dąbrowski,Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): Polish

Władze amerykańskie nakazały rejestrację rosyjskiej telewizji RT i agencji Sputnik jako zagranicznych agentów. W odpowiedzi rosyjski parlament przyjął poprawki do ustawy o mediach otrzymujących zagraniczne finansowanie, nadając im podobny status. Na fali ponadpartyjnego spadku zaufania do Rosji władze USA wykorzystują istniejące regulacje do oddalenia od Donalda Trumpa oskarżeń o sprzyjanie Rosjanom. Natomiast w Rosji pozwala to zwiększać kontrolę nad przekazem informacyjnym w kraju.

Sprawa telewizji Rustawi 2: eskalacja konfliktu między rządem a opozycją w Gruzji

Author(s): Konrad Zasztowt / Language(s): Polish

Seria wyroków sądowych dotyczących własności prywatnej telewizji Rustawi-2 prowadzi do zaostrzenia konfliktu między gruzińskim rządem a opozycją. Dla Zjednoczonego Ruchu Narodowego (ZRN) może to oznaczać ograniczenie swobody prezentacji poglądów w mediach przed wyborami parlamentarnymi zaplanowanymi na drugą połowę 2016 r. Rządzące Gruzińskie Marzenie, wpływając na sądy i media, popełnia te same błędy, które doprowadziły do utraty władzy ich poprzedników. Nie ingerując w spór między rządem i opozycją, UE powinna wywierać nacisk na rząd w Tbilisi, aby przyspieszył reformę wymiaru sprawiedliwości.

Koliko i kome poreski obveznici u Crnoj Gori plaćaju reklamiranje?

Author(s): Damir Nikočević / Language(s): Montenegrine

Projekat "Koliko i kome poreski obveznici u Crnoj Gori plaćaju reklamiranje", je osmišljen u okviru potprograma Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) Mediji i demokratija sa ciljem da doprinese podizanju svijesti o odgovornom trošenju novca iz Budžeta Crne Gore. Specifični cilj projekta je i ukazivanje na odnose koje vladine institucije i Skupština Crne Gore imaju prema medijima u Crnoj Gori kroz davanja prema istim na osnovu ugovorenih usluga i koliko se nalazi iz 2012. godine razlikuju od onih iz 2011. godine.

Koliko, kojim medijima i srodnim agencijama opštine u Crnoj Gori plaćaju usluge?

Author(s): Damir Nikočević / Language(s): Montenegrine

Projekat "Koliko, kojima medijima i srodnim agencijama opštine u Crnoj Gori plaćaju usluge?" je osmišlje u okviru potprograma Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) Mediji i demokratija sa ciljem da doprinese podizanju svijesti o odgovornom trošenju novca iz budžeta lokalnih samouprava. Specifični cilj projekta je i ukazivanje na odnose koje opštine u Crnoj Gori imaju prema medijima i srodnim subjektima u Crnoj Gori kroz davanju prema istima na osnovu ugovorenih usluga.

How much and to whom do the citizens of Montenegro pay for advertising

Author(s): Damir Nikočević / Language(s): English

The project “How much and to whom do the citizens of Montenegro pay for advertising” is part of the sub-programme Media and Democracy of the Centre for Civic Education and it aims to raise awareness about the ways in which the taxpayers’ money is being spent by public institutions, and increase their accountability in this regard. The specific objective of the project is to examine the relations between public institutions and the Parliament and various media in Montenegro, based on the allocation of service contracts, as well as to see if any changes occurred in this area compared to 2011. Centre for Civic Education (CCE) collected the data between 11 January and 19 February 2013, making use of the provisions of the Law on Free Access to Information. The data refer to all media, PR agencies, polling agencies and production companies that the Government of Montenegro and its bodies, as well as the Parliament, engaged during 2011 on the basis of several types of service contracts. In the course of data analysis, the research team took into consideration the type of contract, as well as the total amounts paid for media services by each institution included in the study. It should be stressed that this study only covers one part of public funds that is spent on the media, PR agencies, agencies for public opinion research and production companies within various arrangements, it only examines the amounts allocated by central bodies of the Government and the Parliament of M Montenegro. Most importantly, the study leaves out the spending by local authorities, which is a sizeable portion of these funds. This subject will be covered separately in a forthcoming study about spending patterns of local governments. Other channels through which the taxpayers’ money can be directed to the media are expenditures by state-owned companies. For the purposes of this study, CCE sent requests or information to five public companies which are known to spend large amounts on advertisements. Two companies we contacted delivered complete data, one company provided partial information, while the other two companies did not respond at all. In the report, the data for public enterprises are presented in a separate entry and analysed independently from the information on ministries and other governmental bodies.

Equal chances for all media in Montenegro? - 2014 Annual report

Author(s): Ana Nenezić,Mira Popović / Language(s): English

The project “Equal chances for all media” aims to contribute to the creation of clear oversight mechanisms for the public finances and for the allocation of state aid to the media, as required by the European Union regulations and the international standards and best practices. The more specific objective of this project is to raise the awareness among interested public about responsible management of the public budget, and analyse the relationship between the state institutions and the media in Montenegro as reflected in the financial allocations of public funds to the media in payment for specific services or through other forms of support. The public sector analysed in this study is defined by the Law on the Budget of Montenegro, and encompasses public institutions, municipalities (local self-government units), independent regulatory bodies, agencies and enterprises in which the state or the municipalities hold a controlling stake, the judiciary (courts and the prosecution), and others. The project builds on the previous work of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) in this field, which produced annual reports for 2011, 2012, and 2013. These studies have raised the visibility of the problem of media financing in the Montenegrin public discourse, and became a reference for important international reports. Our findings highlighted countless shady areas in the public financing of the media in Montenegro, and stressed the need for better regulation in this area. They also highlighted the continuing attempts of the public bodies to exercise influence over media through selective and opaque financing, undermining the market competition, reinforcing unequal opportunities and thereby creating indirect pressure on editorial policies. The lack of transparency in financing as well as the lack of adequate criteria for the allocation of funds, alongside the incomplete legal framework, additionally undermines the already alarming state of the Montenegrin media. Considering that public administration and local self-government bodies spent EUR 2 642 070.83 in 2011 on advertising in a market that is altogether worth EUR 9 - 9.5 million, it is obvious that the state is a major, if not the largest customer for advertising services, capable of significantly influencing the revenues and the financial sustainability of individual media houses. In 2012 public spending on the media services decreased by nearly almost EUR 1 million to EUR 852 059.00 according to the CCE estimates, although this amount excludes the spending by local self-governments. In 2013, public administration and local self-governments bodies together spent EUR 2 196 739.00. This makes it clear that there was no reduction in the amount of public funds spent on advertising and other media services. On the contrary, if we bear in mind that the above amount includes only 67.6% of public sector entities from whom we could gather the data, the real expenditure is likely to be much higher. At the same time, our findings show a continued practice of opaque spending of public funds, without well defined rules and procedures. CCE’s findings drew the attention of the key international organisations. Among other, the European Commission’s 2015 Progress Report on Montenegro expresses: “concerns about transparency and nondiscrimination in state advertising... The precarious economic situation of journalists puts them at risk of editorial interference and possible self-censorship. The fact that many media outlets are not financially sustainable has a negative impact on the quality of reporting and professionalism.” Similar concerns were already expressed in the 2013 Progress Report, which found that “Concerns persist also regarding possible state aid and advertising funding allocated to print media in 2012, which were not in line with public procurement rules and could jeopardise competitiveness on the media market.” The 2015 Resolution on Montenegro of the European Parliament similarly warns that Montenegro should “adopt a clear legislative framework, which will establish rules related to media ownership and financing.” The international non-governmental organisation Reporters without borders ranks Montenegro 114th out of 180 countries on its World Press Freedom Index for 2015, which combines assessment on categories such as violence against media, pluralism, media independence, self-censorship, legislative framework, transparency and infrastructure. The only country in the region that was ranked worse than Montenegro is Macedonia, which came 117th. SEEMO Report on state of media in Montenegro for 2014 cited CCE’s findings, as did the last three reports of the US State Department on the state of human rights in Montenegro. Freedom House’s report “Nations in transit 2015”, lowered Montenegro’s rating on independence of the media from 4.25 to 4.50 on 1-7 scale (where 1 stands for best and 7 for the worst level of independence). Last but not least, CCE’s prior work on this problem led the renowned Paris-based international organisations World Association of Newspapers and News publishers and the Centre for international media assistance to choose CCE as the partner for their first report “Eroding freedoms: media and soft censorship in Montenegro”. In the interest of continuous monitoring of this area, CCE conducted a new study that compiles data for 2014 and provides the updated, comprehensive overview of the allocation of public funds to media in 2014, along with comparison to the previous years. The study is accompanies by specific recommendations on the ways to secure transparency and determine criteria for the allocation of public funds to the Montenegrin media that would be in line with the acquis communitaire on the freedom of expression and independence of the media, competition, state aid, and public procurement. Without a clear mechanism for the allocation of state aid to the media, these funds have the potential to create severe distortions of the media market, through discrimination and in violation of the EU competitiveness policy. This is all the more troubling when it is being done with public funds. The citizens, as tax payers, have the right to know how their money is spent, and whether the way in which the state allocates the public funds interferes with the impartial reporting of the performance of public institutions, or obstructs the development of media pluralism. This report warns of the existence of a mechanism used to control and exert pressure on the media, and provides recommendations on the ways to end bad practices that deprives Montenegrin citizens of their right to free and independent media and thereby of objective, accurate reporting on the activities of the government, political parties, institutions, as well as other issues of public importance.

Urušavanje sloboda: mediji i prikrivena cenzura u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Ana Vujošević / Language(s): Montenegrine

U Crnoj Gori, prikrivena cenzura se primarno vrši kroz političku, diskrecionu i netransparentnu raspodjelu budžetskog novca i državne pomoći medijima. Nedostatak transparentnosti, mjerila i nepristrasnih procedura prilikom opredjeljivanja javnih fondova medijima proizvodi ozbiljne devijacije na medijskom tržištu, čime se poboljšava poslovanje jednih medija a dovodi u pitanje egzistencija drugih. Ovo je direktno povezano i sa tim da li ove medijske kuće prilikom izvještavanja o vladinim aktivnostima imaju podržavajući ili kritički pristup. Medijska scena u Crnoj Gori je duboko i široko ispolitizirana. Oštra podjela na „podržavaoce“ i „kritičare“ državnih politika posebno je postala jaka posljednjih nekoliko godina. Takođe, kontinuirani su pokušaji da se uticaj jednog dijela medija u crnogorskoj javnosti ograniči. „Otvorena cenzura“ je uključivala nasilje nad novinarima – ubistvo glavnog i odgovornog urednika dnevnika Dan Duška Jovanovića, 27. maja 2004.godine, ostaje nerazjašnjeno, kao i većina napada na novinare i imovinu medija, što nesumnjivo izaziva autocenzuru među medijskim poslenicima koji se trude da opstanu. Posljednjih godina, mnogo češća pojava je prikrivena cenzura: indirektni, česti finansijski pritisci, usmjereni ka slabljenju kapaciteta, pa čak i ugrožavanju održivosti ciljanih medija koji kritikuju vlasti. „Prikrivena cenzura“ se definiše kao pokušaj vlasti da utiču na medijsko izvještavanje kroz različite oblike pritisaka, a bez upotrebe zakonske zabrane, otvorene cenzure sadržaja vijesti ili direktne fizičke represije prema medijima i novinarima. Pojam „prikrivene cenzure“, kao oblik pritiska na medije od strane državnih organa, podrobno je objašnjen u dokumentu Inicijative za pravdu Fondacije za otvoreno društvo iz 2005.godine. U njemu su opisana tri osnovna oblika prikrivene cenzure: zloupotreba javnih fondova i monopola, zloupotreba regulatornih i inspekcijskih ovlašćenja, kao i para-legalni pritisci. Sva tri navedena oblika postoje u Crnoj Gori danas. Dodatni izvještaji WANIFRA i Centra za međunarodnu pomoć medijima su podigli svijest javnosti o ovom rastućem problemu. Ovaj dokument sadrži oblike i mapira obim prikrivene cenzure od strane crnogorskih državnih i javnih institucija u odnosu na medije i medijske poslenike. Ovo je urađeno, uglavnom, kroz prizmu finansija, koje su ujedno i dominantno sredstvo prikrivene cenzure u zemlji. Takođe, uključen je i pregled instrumenata koji olakšavaju ili ograničavaju zvaničnu finansijsku podršku: raspodjela reklamnih servisa favorizovanim medijima od strane organa javnog sektora; selektivna dodjela subvencija i drugih oblika državne pomoći; plaćeni sadržaj; i drugi vidovi administrativne i tehničke pomoći ili opstrukcija. Ova studija uključuje organe javnog sektora relevantne za medije i prikrivenu cenzuru i to iz sve tri grane vlasti, kao i ostale društveno-političke aktere od značaja za razumijevanje ovog problema u crnogorskom kontekstu. Istraživački tim se suočio sa nekoliko izazova: niko ranije nije sprovodio slično istraživanje i informacije iz javnih izvora su u većini slučajeva bile ograničene ili prilično sporo dostupne. Osim toga, ova tema je tabu za većinu novinara koji se plaše kritikovanja vlasnika medija ili vlasti i koji su nerijetko slabo upoznati sa mehanizmima i uticajem prikrivene cenzure. Nepostojanje transparentnih i konzistentnih procedura u raspodjeli javnih fondova za medije bitno utiče na medijske slobode u Crnoj Gori. Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja dokaze o tome da javne institucije pokušavaju da manipulišu medijima i da utiču na njihovu uređivačku politiku putem selektivnog i netransparentnog finansiranja. Ovo, takođe, ozbiljno podriva konkurenciju i koči razvoj održivog tržišta medija. Netransparentnost finansiranja medija od strane organa javnog sektora otežava i neadekvatna primjena pravnog okvira vezanog za podršku medijima, što dalje daje mogućnost zvaničnim akterima da iskoriste medije za partikularne interese. U ovom izvještaju su opisane različite mjere za raspodjelu javnih sredstava medijima putem kojih politički akteri vrše kontrolu ili pritisak nad sadržajem i održivošću medija. Analizirani su i mehanizmi potencijalnog uticaja javnih institucija na uređivačke politike medija i dati primjeri zloupotrebe javnih sredstava radi manipulacije u izvještavanju medija a u cilju ostvarivanja partikularnih političkih interesa. Glavni nalazi ovog izvještaja rezimiraju ključne izazove vezane za prikrivenu cenzuru u Crnoj Gori. Preporuke pozivaju na akcije koje bi zaustavile urušavanje medijskih sloboda u Crnoj Gori i unaprijedile izglede za razvoj slobodnih, nezavisnih i pluralističkih medija koji bi mogli obezbijediti tačno i nepristrasno izvještavanje o aktivnostima vlade, političkih partija i drugih institucija dužnih da promovišu demokratizaciju crnogorskog društva i načina upravljanja.

Controlled chaos in regulation of electronic media - Work of Agency for Electronic Media

Author(s): Goran Đurović,Daliborka Uljarević / Language(s): Montenegrine

The Agency for Electronic Media (AEM) is regulatory body in charge for the area of audiovisual media services and exercising public authorities as per Electronic Media Law. The Law is positioning the AEM as independent from any organ of the public sector and from all legal and private entities dealing with production and broadcasting of radio and television programme or offering other audio-visual media services. It was established in 2003, after entry into force of the Broadcasting Law as the Agency for Broadcasting, and since 2010, i.e. since adoption of the Electronic Media Law, it continues to work under the name of Agency for Electronic Media. The founder of the AEM is state, and the founding rights on behalf of the state are exercised by the Council, in accordance with the Law. In addition to Council, the governing organ is also Director of AEM.

Ne diskriminaciji, Da različitosti! - Monitoring medijskog izvještavanja o pravima LGBTIQ osoba u periodu od 21. Avgusta do 20. Oktobra 2019.

Author(s): Željka Ćetković / Language(s): Montenegrine

CGO je, u okviru projekta „NE diskriminaciji, DA različitosti“ , mjesec dana uoči i mjesec dana nakon održavanja Povorke ponosa, sproveo kvalitativni i kvantitativni monitoring medijskog izvještavanja o LGBT osobama i njihovima pravima. Stručni dio istraživanja za potrebe projekta uradila je kompanija Arhimed. U ovom periodu je praćen broj medijskih objava o LGBTIQ zajednici (po vrsti medija i po medijima pojedinačno), broj objava u odnosu na subjekte koji govore o temi, planiranost objava, broj objava različitog tona, broj objava u odnosu na unaprijed precizirane teme, broj objava u kojima je uočena upotreba neadekvatne terminologije ili upotreba pogrdnih naziva, broj objava u odnosu na pol sagovornika, odnos informacija o LGBTIQ zajednici i ostalih informacija koje posmatrana objava sadrži (fokus) i pozicija selektovanih objava (vidljivost). Istraživanjem je obuhvaćeno izvještavanje 15 medija, i to tri televizije (RTCG, TV Vijesti i TV Prva), pet dnevnih novina (ND Vijesti, Dan, Pobjeda, Dnevne novine i Večernje novosti) i sedam portala (Vijesti, CdM, Analitika, Antena M, RTCG, IN4S i FOS media). Nalazi prve faze monitoringa, odnosno perioda od mjesec dana u susret, na sam dan održavanja i dan nakon Povorke ponosa, predstavljeni su 23. septembra 2019. a konačni izvještaj 21.oktobra 2019.godine. Projekat NE diskriminaciji, DA različitosti! koji CGO sprovodi uz podršku Ministarstva za ljudska i manjinska prava ima za cilj unaprjeđenje ljudskih prava LGBT osoba i suzbijanje diskriminacije po osnovu seksualne orijentacije ili rodnog identiteta, smanjivanje homofobije i transfobije u društvu, promociju kulture tolerancije i inkluzije LGBT osoba i poboljšanje svih uslova i kvaliteta života LGBT osoba u Crnoj Gori. Kroz projektne aktivnosti, teži se, između ostalog, i poboljšanju kvaliteta medijskog izvještavanja o LGBT pitanjima, što bi uticalo na djelotvorno povećanje znanja o ljudskim pravima LGBT osoba i poboljšanje kvaliteta života LGBT osoba.

JOURNALISTS AS DEFENDANTS: SLAPP LAWSUITS AS AN OVERTURE INTO EXHAUSTION: THE CASE OF THE KRIK NEWSROOM

Author(s): Vesna Radojević / Language(s): English

Ukraine’s Wartime Information Strategy

Author(s): Anna Maria Dyner,Maria Piechowska / Language(s): English

Since the beginning of the latest hostilities with Russia, the Ukrainian authorities have been carrying out a coherent strategic communication aimed at their own citizens, Russian society, and the international community. Coherent communication builds social morale and has an impact on the policy of the countries supporting Ukraine. It is also an instrument in the fight against Russian disinformation. The importance of having effective tools of strategic communication is also growing in frontline states, such as Poland, which are exposed to disinformation and hybrid threats from Russia.

Uganda Demonstrates the Growing Influence of Social Media on Politics in Africa

Author(s): Jędrzej Czerep / Language(s): English

In Africa, the frequency of politically fuelled internet blockages is increasing. This strengthens authoritarian tendencies and threatens business, for example, in Uganda, where the authorities switched off online access before January’s election. This undermined the election’s credibility and caused financial losses. Just as much controversy was sparked by Facebook’s attempts to restrict content supporting the candidacy of the incumbent, Yoweri Museveni, by shutting down government accounts.