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Introduction
This paper is an introduction to the conference: «Compilations and Excerpt Collections of Historiographical Material in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages» (Université de Gand, Belgique, 24 – 26 mars 2016)
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This paper is an introduction to the conference: «Compilations and Excerpt Collections of Historiographical Material in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages» (Université de Gand, Belgique, 24 – 26 mars 2016)
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The Constantinian Excerpts and the Excerpta Anonymi should be seen within the context of the culture of Sylloge. The two works share signifi cant similarities in terms of content, format, and methodology. This article centers on the possibility of a textual relation between the Excerpta Anonymi and the Constantinian Excerpts. I advance the hypothesis that the anonymous compiler of the Excerpta Anonymi relied on earlier collections of excerpts and must have drawn on draft copies produced during the redaction of the Constantinian collections.
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Our knowledge about the mechanisms underlying the creation of Excerpta historica Constantiniana (EC) – an encyclopedia commissioned by the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos in 10th century Byzantium – is still insuffi cient, despite a number of important studies. This paper sets out to approach this question on the basis of textual repetitions present in the text of EC. The overall goal is to shed light on the principles and methodology that were guiding the compilers of EC. In particular, the focus of this study lies on repetitions, i.e. those text passages of the same author that appear in at least two diff erent places in EC; Such pairs of passages are denoted as reiterations in the following. Overall, 54 pairs of reiterations were identifi ed by using automated tools and then analyzed. The respective length of the reiterated passages ranges from 8 to 150 words per reiteration; the reiterated passages were found in 101 excerpts. The subsequent analysis reveals two main types: the subset type and the intersection type. The former is found when the excerpt attesting the reiteration also contains a text not present in the counterpart excerpt. In turn, the latter type is found when only one of the excerpts contains a text not present in the counterpart excerpt. The two main types can be further classifi ed into two subtypes each: transition, patchworking, extraction, and duplication. The analysis of these types allows to reconstruct the workfl ow of the excerptors, in turn illuminating the methodology of the entire EC project.
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The Ekthesis of Agapetus the deacon is usually considered a mirror of princes with a Christian touch in the line of Eusebius of Caesarea. Like Eusebius, Agapetus states that the power of the emperor stems from God. However, he also insists on another important Christian virtue: charity towards the poor. Based on this virtue, Agapetus, inspired by Cappadocian Fathers, tries to develop a particular concept of imperial power and shape the actions of the emperor.
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The study focuses on the image of St. Constantine-Cyril and the origin of Slavic writing in the interpretation of medieval Russian literary texts. An extensive narrative which quotes the Life of Methodius and is included into the Primary Chronicle to the year 6406 (898), is exceptional because it represents the pope as a defender of the Slavic liturgy. In later texts, the achievement of St. Constantine is distorted by reducing the importance of his work and attribution of his success to the Russians, or emphasizing the achievements of domestic scholars. In the Skazanie o gramote rous’tei, the story is entirely reinterpreted and “russified” with the emphasis on the autochthonous and divine origin of the Russian alphabet. The authors diminish the actions of Constantine, who is deprived of the role of the creator of the alphabet and becomes merely a student of a Russian who received the alphabet from divine revelation. While the narrative of Skazanie radically reduces the role of St. Constantine, Epiphanius the Wise creates a more elaborate and complicated image of the Saint in his Life of Stephen of Perm. Firstly, Constantine is introduced as Stephen’s archetype, then Stephen is presented as an equal, and lastly, Stephen’s work is referred to as a more difficult and greater one. Contrary to the universalist ideas of Life of Constantine, Epiphanius follows Hrabar and constructs a hierarchy of writing systems and thus raises the issue of defining a hierarchical connection between Slavic and Permian writings. The study also aims to outline the consequences of the preference of the two versions of the alphabet’s story, i.e. either the fully “russified” one with a significantly diminished role of St. Constantine, or a version in the spirit of Hrabar distant from the universalist ethos of Life of Constantine.
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The present article deals with the unnamed tyrant of Michael Psellos’ Oratio panegyrica 1 in G. T. Dennis’ edition. The highly prestigious rhetor does not want to name the rebel probably because the oration was delivered in front of an audience which was aware of what was happening at that time. Psellos also treats here expertly a classic motif of Byzantine epideictic oratory in order to praise the emperor’s philanthropy, as he finally decided not to punish the rebel. Therefore, the aim of this article is to reappraise the dominant point of view concerning this tyrant and to redefine his identity through the examination of Psellos’ Oratio panegyrica.
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The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
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Recent years have witnessed a profusion of scholarship on Prokopios and his History of the Wars, as he has gradually been recognized as one of the greatest historians of all antiquity and scholars have begun to debate what makes him great. This piece explores the reception of Prokopios in Byzantium, demonstrating the vitality of the text among Byzantine readers, without whom there might be no Prokopios to debate. Through an examination of scholia, allusions, retellings, and imitations of Prokopios, it shows how Byzantine readers appreciated Prokopios as a rhetorical text, a model for plague and reconquest, and a memorial of the past glories of Justinian. It also argues that Byzantine readers of Prokopios were often astute and their readings of Prokopios offer interesting observations on hotly debated questions among modern scholars such as Prokopios’ subversiveness and his Orthodoxy. Through a better understanding of Byzantine Prokopios, modern scholars can better understand Prokopios today.
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Az 1196–1235 közötti magyar történelem nyugati elbeszélő forrásainak kritikája [A critical study of the Western narrative sources of Hungarian history from 1196 until 1235]. By Tamás Körmendi. Budapest: MTA Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont Történettudományi Intézet, 2019. 229 pp.
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The paper focuses on the 2nd troparion of the 1st ode of the so called Methodius’ Canon to Demetrius of Thessaloniki, in which it is written that the marvelous miracles of Demetrius were told among barbarians, because he destroyed all the barbarians who came to the estate of Christ, the city of Amastris, where therefore a temple for Demetrius was built. The author examines the previous hypotheses about the location of the mentioned church: Amastris (J. Vašica, A. D. Voronov), Thessaloniki (L. Matejko) and Constantinople (B. Mirčeva). He relates these hypotheses to the existing knowledge about the location of the Amastrianum and the churches of St. Demetrius in Constantinople, about the transformations of the Demetrius cult in Byzantium, and to the data on the temples in the city of Amastris, which could correspond to the troparion. The author uses the rehabilitation of the Amastris hypothesis to approximate dating of the canon text and the original of its translation part to the second half of the 880s and to the first half of the 890s at the latest.
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Since 1957 until 1961, a rich sample of archaeological wood was accumulated during V.V. Kropotkin’s excavations near Bakhchysarai, at the burial ground of Chufut-Kale dated back to the late 5th — 9th centuries. The collection now reposes in the State Historical Museum. It was iron objects which preserve wood in most cases. Among these, knives and fragments of knives were especially numerous, with their blades and hafts displaying residual worked wood which probably left from scabbards and handles. The xylotomical analysis of the total of 52 samples from 19 burials was carried out to determine wood species. Fifty samples are turned to be identifiable. Most of these — 52% — consisted of poplar (aspen), and the rest were oak, maple, hornbeam, ash, linden, etc. Consequently, soft wood species, and above all poplar (aspen), predominated as, perhaps, most suitable raw materials. The wood species mentioned were neither invasive nor introduced in the Crimean flora. Ancient craftsmen are supposed to take their raw materials somewhere in the close proximity of the site, yet some wood species, such as pine, turpentine, and juniper, are known to grow elsewhere, so that their presence may suggest for active trading relations between Chufut-Kale and various regions of Crimea.
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The article is devoted to the career of Archelaos, who during the reign of Justin was the prefect praetorio Orientis and Illyricum, and during the reign of Justinian he became the first prefect praetorio per Africam. The experience gained by him in managing large administrative units of Pars Orientis was probably the reason for entrusting him with the task of organizing administrative structures in the areas of the Vandal kingdom conquered by Belisarius. The course of Archealos’ career may be a starting point for considering possibility taking positions of lower rank by the highest officials of the Empire. Also shedding light on the issue of their mobility within the administrative apparatus.
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The concepts of dividing Byzantium can be found in sources from the period (e.g. the division into the eastern and western parts during the reign of emperor Maurice, John II Komnenos’ idea concerning the allocation of the eastern parts of the country for his son, Manuel). The most well-known partitioning of Byzantium is its fragmentation as a result of the 4th crusade. In the 10th century, three such incidents can be observed. The first one – mentioned by John Skylitzes – is related to the alliance between tzar Simeon and caliph Al-Mahdi and would be an arrangement to regulate the influence zones of the two victorious powers. The second – cited by Leo the Deacon – is Svyatoslav’s call for the Byzantine Greeks to abandon the lands of Europe. It might reflect the tradition, which still lingers among the Bulgarian elites, related to the dominance in the Balkan lands or it could possibly correspond to a hypothetical settlement between the Russian ruler and Nikephoros Phokas concerning the division of Bulgarian lands. The third – depicted in John Skylitzes’ work and the sources of Eastern provenance – concerns an agreement which divided Byzantium between Bardas Phokas and Bardas Skleros. This idea would be related to the support gained by Bardas Skleros among the countries and tribes of the Eastern borderland of Byzantium. It is also worth pointing out that the plans to divide the Byzantine Empire appeared in its history, thereby suggesting the existence of decentralist forces and stressing the division into its Balkan and Asia Minor parts.
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In this paper we present and analyse the 6th–7th-century Byzantine coins found at Orosháza and its surroundings. The first Byzantine coin – a follis of Justinian I – was found in Szentetornya in 1877. Using metal detectors during archaeological survey eight Byzantine coins had come to light: a follis of Justinian I, five folles, a half-follis of Justin II, and two folles of Heraclius. A greater part of them was accurately identified. Here we'll analyse their role outside the Byzantine Empire, as compared to the coin circulation in the Avar Age Carpathian Basin. We try to answer the question why Byzantine coins relatively frequently occurred at Orosháza and its surroundings.
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Bioarchaeology can contribute to interdisciplinary research on the social organization of the Avar Empire (568 AD to around 800 AD) by providing information on the health, lifestyle and habitual activity patterns of Avar populations, thus offering an important, additional perspective to traditional archaeological methods focusing on material culture. The so-called horse riding syndrome refers to a combination of changes on the human skeleton, which may indicate that the individual in question practised horse riding as a habitual activity during his or her lifetime. The aim of this paper is to identify potential differences in habitual horse riding activity between different socioeconomic groups within the adult male population of the Avar cemetery of Wien 11-Csokorgasse, using a major criterion of the horse riding syndrome (namely the ovalization or vertical elongation of the acetabulum) and an indicator of social status in burials of Avar men (namely the depth of burial). The sample included only males (age group adult or older) with at least one completely preserved acetabulum (n = 38 for the left acetabulum, n = 40 for the right acetabulum). The ovalization of the acetabulum was determined using a basic measurement method, the Index of Ovalization of Acetabulum (IOA). The sample was divided into two groups according to depth of burial: The “high-status” group included the skeletal material of adult male individuals with a depth of burial of 1.00 m or more. The “low-status” group included the skeletal material of adult male individuals with a depth of burial less than 1.00 m. We observed highly significant differences regarding the ovalization of the acetabulum between “high-status” and “low-status” adult males. This may reflect considerable variation in lifestyle and/or habitual activity patterns between these two groups, which could suggest differences regarding the prevalence of habitual horse riding between “high-status” and “low-status” adult males. Hence, using a major criterion of the “horse riding syndrome” – the “ovalization” of the acetabulum – we may have identified a group of “high-status” Avar warriors, whose way of life appears to have differed from that of the “lower-status” male population buried in the Avar-period cemetery of Wien 11-Csokorgasse.
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Psellus’ didactic poem on grammar (poem. 6 Westerink) has rather few readers. Its significance in the history of science is also small, as it is mostly a collection of commonplaces written in fifteen-syllable verses. However, the way Psellus edited his writing to form a coherent text is worThexamining. Besides the structure further interesting points are the meaning of the word koine as the Byzantine dialektos in Psellus’ usage and his advice concerning Theocritus’ poetry (vs 30). The appendix is the transcription of a manuscript fragment, the notes to which prove that the content and language of the didactic poem presented a major challenge even to a Byzantine copyist.
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De administrando imperio, a text traditionally attributed to Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, provides unique data on the early history of the Hungarians (besides much else). In the absence of parallel sources, the Greek forms of proper nouns have formerly been used to reconstruct Hungarian personal names primarily by the analogies of place names and by semantic tools. Th is study approaches the Greek text of the genealogical tree of the Árpáds from a new perspective by examining the manuscript tradition and by applying the tools of the auxiliary sciences (palaeography, codicology).
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This paper deals with the Saljūqnāma of the Ottoman scholar Ahmed ibn Mahmud. It focuses on the two unexploited poems inserted into his Mantzikert account, and juxtaposes them with the world chronicles in verse that have been written by Constantine Manasses and Ehpraim of Ainos. The three writers recount the same event from different viewpoints. Ephraim absolves Diogenes from any responsibility, while Manasses seeks the reasons for the defeat in battle in his severe attitude. For Ahmed, the Seljuk victory came exclusively from God’s hands which were long enough to reach and protect the pious sultan with his warriors.
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In early medieval societies, it is not only social differences that are expressed by the grave goods, but also genders. If we associate the 10th century finds with gender, the general picture is that women were buried with jewellery and men with weapons. Beads are also typically a type of artefact that is mainly associated with female artefacts, although the male burials currently under discussion reflect the fact that there was no regularity by which they could not have been included in male graves. Thus, in the first part of this study, we will seek to answer the question of whether it is indeed possible to classify finds according to their recovery from male or female graves, or the situation is much more complex. According to our current data, only a small number of beaded male graves dated to the 10th–11th centuries were found in the Carpathian Basin: 36 graves from a total of 28 burial sites. Based on the beads found, men’s graves are not characterized by the wearing of long strings of beads. In male burials, there are usually 1–3 beads and very rarely 4–5. Examining the beaded male graves of the Carpathian Basin, two chronological groups emerge: 1. Includes weapons horse burials with richer grave goods. These may have been buried mainly in the first half of the 10th century, but before the end of the 10th century at the latest. 2. A group of beaded men with more modest grave goods, dating as early as the mid or rather mid late 10th century. The S ended ribbed lockring, found in Szegvár, suggests that the custom may have been practiced as late as the early 12th century. But by this time, beads might have been placed in burials with far fewer, or even in the absence of other grave goods. Two trends emerge in the types of beads. One is that only monochrome beads are placed in graves. The other is when they just put beads with eye ornamentation in these graves. In contrast to other ornamental beads, eye beads may have been used in men’s burials because they had a protective function, protecting the wearer from the evil eye. Given the wide distribution of the eye beads and their long period of use, it seems that the superstition of the evil eye was known among the conquering Hungarians.
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The paper addresses the relationship between the Byzantine emperors and Croatia and its position in the context of the Byzantine re-occupation of the Balkan Peninsula on two occasions: in the late 10th (971) and early 11th century (1018). It also discusses the Byzantine court dignities of the Croatian rulers Držislav and Krešimir and suggests the possibility that direct imperial rule existed in Croatia in the second quarter of the 11th century.
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