Aukščiausių prieškario Lietuvos valdininkų žmonos
Ingrida Jakubavičienė. Seserys Sofija Smetonienė (1884–1968) ir Jadvyga Tūbeliebė (1891–1988). Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2014, 256 p.
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Ingrida Jakubavičienė. Seserys Sofija Smetonienė (1884–1968) ir Jadvyga Tūbeliebė (1891–1988). Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2014, 256 p.
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For almost an entire century, the Christmas Uprising has been the subject of historiographical exposition, but the impression is that we have not moved further than the beginning, regardless of the fact that in the meantime several hundreds of books, contributions and essays and thousands of primary historical sources have been published on this subject.The author will try to synthesize the large number of issues into only those key ones, with the possibility of additional resolution, which in essence will lead to a re-examination of this event.
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The paper, with an introduction to the pre-war unification talks, traces the relations between Montenegro and Serbia from the July crisis to the autumn offensive of the Central Powers in the Balkans in October 1915. The mutual ties of the two countries during this period were burdened by the rivalry of the Petrović and Karadjordjević dynasties. Montenegrin King Nicholas often resorted to alternative solutions, behind the back of the Serbian side, with which his country was on a common front. Such a policy in time of war, which required the highest degree of unity, produced serious difficulties for mutual cooperation and distrust of the Great allies towards the old sovereign. The events of the first war year had consequences in the latter events, the way of unification and the dethronement of the Montenegrin ruling family.
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This article is a chronicle to Professor Mihail Diaconescu’s volume Sacrifice, where, in several chapters, the ocean of human suffering flows with devastating power. These are the chapters where Mihail Diaconescu evokes the trenches and clashes of the World War I. In the novel Sacrifice, there are moments of dramatic high-tension, when people, groups or even entire nations are facing the most drastic repressive measures taken by the imperial authorities. A nation’s identity in the bicephal empire is repressed. Repressive measures are criminal. Mihail Diaconescu evokes these measures with their terrible, monstrous side. As a writer concerned about the combination of heroic, tragic and moral, he brings something new in the Romanian prose. It is a thematic renewal, of course. It is also a renewal of the epic-artistic vision. It is, above all, a renewal based on his historical and sociological vision. Whether he sees history through sociology or social realities through historical erudition, the epic effect is remarkable.
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The burden of war, with all the misfortunes, famine, misery etc., and the military defeats on the battlefield, has precipitated the crisis and agony of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Social and national movements are multiplying throughout the Monarchy. The leaders of the Romanian National Party believe that the favorable moment has come to change the “stylistic fi eld of the Great Hungary”. In this context, Dr Alexandru Vaida-Voevod is mandated on behalf of the Romanian nation in Transylvania to announce to the world from the Hungarian Parliament the freedom of the Romanian people.
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The article evokes the visit of the French general Berthelot to Sălişte on January 2 1919. The purpose of General Berthelot’s visit was together information about the realities of the territories united with the country by the decision of the Great National Assembly in Alba Iulia on December 1 1918 and to reaffirm France’s support for its ally from the East. The fact that he put Sălişte on the official agenda of his visit in Transylvania was not a coincidence. Onisifor Ghibu and Ioan Lupaş from Sălişte were also from the Religion and Public Instruction Resort, led by Vasile Goldiş. We find reports of General Henri-Mathias Berthelot’s visit in the press of the time.
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Mihai Eminescu had been inspired by a national enthusiasm. He saw all Romanians as members of the same country having the outline of the ancient Dacia. To this cause, he consecrated his journalism, his permanent activity as man of the citadel, started during his student days and performed in the press from all the provinces, but culminating as chief editor of the newspaper Timpul (Time) in Bucharest. The article analyzes how the ideal of Romanian unity is reflected in his journalism.
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The article is a chronicle of one of the most important works that was published in our years, the novel The Day of Days – 1 December 1918 by Constantin Zărnescu, a writer from Oltenia but living in Transylvania, which, after many years of documenting, managed to perceive, from the level of the ordinary man to that of the officials, the historical truth of this crucial moment for all Romanians living here and everywhere.
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The present study discusses a German project to achieve the religious union of Romanians and Bulgarians of Orthodox religion with Rome. The project, advanced by Chancellor von Hertling, involved the approval of the Holy See for the realization of the religious union with the help of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bucharest, Raymund Netzhammer and the Bulgarian King Ferdinand I. From a political point of view, for the Berlin authorities, the religious union of Romanians and Bulgarians was also a means of opposing the advance of the Bolshevik revolution. The mediator between the authorities of the Second Reich and the Holy See was Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Munich, the future Pope Pius XII. The Holy See did not react to the German proposal, respecting the Romanian Orthodoxy.
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At the Great National Assembly in Alba Iulia, held on 1 December 1918, the Orthodox clergymen of Lăpuș was represented by two priests. Andrei Ludu, the archpriest of Cetatea de Piatră (Stone Fortress) and later of Hunedoara, went to Alba Iulia as an ex officio delegate, but also as a deputy from the local Department of Astra, being its president. As a sign of the consideration he enjoys from the Lăpuș people, in 1919 he was elected a deputy in the First Parliament of Great Romania. The second priest was the Nicolae Gherman of Rohia. If Andrei Ludu was “in transit” through Lapus, where he came in 1912 and from where he would leave in 1920, Nicholas Gherman instead was originally from here. Even his departure to the theological studies in Sibiu took place because of the request of his Rohia fellow villagers. After voting in Alba Iulia for the Union with Romania, he kept himself busy between 1923 and 1926 with the construction of the church and the first core of buildings in the “Saint Ana” monastery in Rohia. On December 5, 1918, there was a real slaughter in Lăpuş perpetrated by a band of 60 Hungarian soldiers against the Romanians gathered in the courtyard of the Greek-Catholic confessional school to learn about the unfolding of the events in Alba Iulia. There were over 20 dead and nearly 100 injured. The moment was the blood sacrifice of the Lăpuș people for the completion of our national unity.
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The article presents the manner in which the Great War was narrated through the letters sent from the front by the Romanian soldiers and published in the main political newspapers from Transylvania. Being written in exceptional times and created in the proximity of the historical event they narrate, thus having the authority of the direct experience, these letters represent significant clues for the intensity of mobilization and national solidarity in the early phase of the military conflict, for the process of ethnical identification in multicultural armies with many wavering loyalties and especially for the peculiarities that the voices of the Romanian soldiers from Transylvania brings the Great War in writing.
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To this day, Romanian scholars have largely ignored Transylvanian folklore dealing with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the experience of being a soldier in the imperial army. Such cultural artifacts were not reinforcing a national(istic) discourse, of Romanian unity, which became the main narrative both in politics and in social sciences, in Romania, after the end of WWI and the realization of the “Great Romania” (Romania Mare) in December 1918. My main argument is that these images and literary themes were shaped by the perception of and attempts to overcome the traumatic and often incomprehensible experiences of military service that peasant soldiers had to go through.
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The paper aims to provide multiple examples of Romanian war poetry written by the combatants of the Great War in order to observe different attitudes towards God, life and death. The approach is based on texts signed by Vasile Voiculescu, Ion Pillat, Octavian Goga, Demostene Botez, Adrian Maniu, Ion Vinea, Alexei Mateevici, Ion Buzdugan, Vintilă Paraschivescu, Mircea Zorileanu and Artur Enăşescu.
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This article is a chronicle to the volume of Dumitru Nistor, Ziuariul meu (My diary). It is a war and travel journal written in 1918, with many drawings and vignettes by which the author colored his diary and marked the chapters in an original way. The publication of Dumitru Nistor’s diary reveals interesting aspects of our history. It’s a beautiful and unique book because of the rarity of information and its literary value.
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The author evokes the personality of the French plenipotentiary minister in Bucharest, Auguste- Félix-Charles, count of Saint-Aulaire, whose mission in Bucharest took place between 1916-1920. The article also mentions his book “The Notes of a former diplomat in Romania, 1916-1920” (Humanitas, 2016), characterized by the historian Mihai Dim. Sturdza, as “one of the most important memorial sources on the great crunching times that ended with the birth of Great Romania.” Count Saint-Aulaire bequeathed to posterity an invaluable testimony regarding Romania.
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Articolul prezintă contextul și consecințele bătăliilor purtate de armata română în vara anului 1917.
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This paper is based on historical data and Russian press materials for the period from 1914 to 1916 and tells about activities of Green Cross, one of philanthropic organization under protection of the grand duchess Militsa Nikolaevna. Green Cross was established in the first days of the war, opened its divisions in many towns of Russia and provided assistance to Russian, Montenegrin and Serbian soldiers and members of their families. Unique feature of this philanthropic organization consisted inits financial independence of government grants and the amount of collected funds was illustrative of its popularity among people. Such activity went up against other committees under august protection. Activity of green Cross was terminated in December 1916 by decision of the Council of Ministers.
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Bob Dent: A vörös város. Politika és művészet az 1919-es Magyarországi Tanácsköztársaság idején. (Ford. Konok Péter.) Helikon, Budapest, 2019. 405 oldal.
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The study summarizes the impact of the two R ussian revolutions of 1917 on the Slovaks, with the main emphasis on the Bolshevik takeover. Until the last year of the war, the Slovaks constituted no responsive medium, as they were generally unreceptive to abstract radical ideas, the peasantry was basically conservative and faithful to the dynasty, while the social democratic leaders, forming a neglected fragment within the Hungarian Social Democratic Party, and influenced by the opportunist Czech movement, failed to put up any considerable activity. Among the masses of the prisoners of war in Russia, however, even if they refused to join the Red army, the chief Bolshevik slogans (piece, land reform) fell on receptive ears. At the same time, under the impact of general violence and chaos, respect for the old order was weakened, and, upon their return to their homeland, they became the chief agents of soldier mutinies and deserter movements (green cadre).
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The revolutionary events that started in 1917 transformed to a considerable extent the life of the Russian prisoner camps and their inmates. They exerted great impact on everyday life, disturbed the customary order of the camps, and, moreover, the prisoners themselves occasionally fell victim to the spreading bloodshed. Several among the captives joined the Red Army because of the breakdown of public security, fearing for their lives, in the hope of getting arms, and upon their return to Hungary they had to face the consequences of such a decision. After 1919 fear of Bolshevism was greater in Hungary than ever before, and thus the slightest suspicion elicited recrimination, which, in its turn, was liable to effect negatively the living conditions, work possibilities and social relations of the given individual.
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