![Valóságon át a mítoszteremtésig](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2014_27396.jpg)
We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Cristina Diac: Zorii comunismului în România. Ștefan Foriș, un destin neterminat. [A kommunizmus hajnala Romániában. Fóris István, egy befejezetlen végzet] Târgoviște, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2014, 368 oldal.
More...
After the annexation of Bassarabia at the USSR (Union of Soviet SocialistRepublics), the Bassarabian society confronted with major problems of religious,economical, political and social order, which results continue to be felt and till thepresent days. One among the social classes which suffered the most persecutions wasthe clergy. They were baited (persecuted) not only in the period after the annexation butand during the soviet administration.From this reason, in the present material we try to publish the nominal lists of thepriests and of the church servers from Bassarabia from the end of 40 years, of the lastcentury, registered by the Soviet authorities
More...
The paper analyses several documentary sources preserved in the National Archives – Department of Arad branch –, aiming to reveal and verify a less known segment of recent history, i.e. the population’s and of the authorities’ refuge from the area of military operations at the eastern front under the control of the Red Army, in the spring and summer of 1944. Arad, situated quite far from the front, in the western area of the country, but other towns in the south and the west of the country as well, regarded as safer regions, provided at that time a shelter for the thousands of refugees. The evolution of this kind of events could be followed until August 1944, when, after Romania left the alliance with the Axis powers and the war with the United Nations (Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States and America) stopped, the population’s exodus from the front area stopped too. The study also mentions the facts occurred after the Armistice Convention was signed, on 12 September 1944, by the Romanian government and the governments of the Soviet Union, of the United Kingdom and of the United States of America. The documents reveal the ample action that the Romanian authorities took over under the pressure of the Allied Control Commission, an organism established by the Convention and headed by the Allied High (Soviet) Command, regarding the identification of the refugees from Bessarabia, north Bucovina and Transnistria, considered to have Soviet citizenship, with a view to their “repatriation”. According to the data provided by the Romanian Commission for the Enforcement of the Armistice, until 30 September 1946 a number of 38,325 Bessarabians, 8,198 Bucovinians and 9,900 Romanians east Dnister returned to USSR. From bibliographic sources we know that most of the people who returned to their homes were sent to the Soviet gulags, especially to Siberia, and not few people ended up being executed as presumptive collaborators of the “Romanian-Fascist” authorities.
More...
Dimitrie Russu, Botoşani county prefect from 7 April to 17 August 1944, expose in a report to minister of Internal Affairs the situation of this area before and after the Soviet military occupation. After the Romanian administration of Botoşani was evacuated at the end of March 1944, on 7 April the Red Army troops were occupied the city. Soon after, the German bombers destroyed a lot of houses and another buildings. After rebuilding destroyed facilities and institutions, Russu reorganized Prefecture, Law Court, Police etc. and was concerned for the smooth running of economic activities. Ample space is reserved for presentation of proposed relations with the Soviets, Jews and Romanians. Despite the statements made by V. Molotov in April 1944, the Soviets interfered actively in the political and social transformations. In April, Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca had been personally in Botoşani and tried to persuade Russu to join the communism. He refused and on 17 August, Russu was dismissed by the Soviet command and replaced by Gh. Boldescu
More...
The histories of the Romanian interwar “left”, and of the Romanian interwar communism were actually never written. If an interest on this topic existed during the communist regime, the rhetoric of the historiographical discourse was strongly influenced by ideological and political interference. Subsequently, these topics were always avoided and even ignored by a historiography rather concerned with the repressive dimension of the regime established at the end of World War II. Starting with an excerpt from a propaganda material compiled in 1948 by the Agitprop Section of the Covurlui R.W.P. (Romanian Workers Party) County Organization, our study aims to reconstruct an important episode of the communist movement in Galati during World War II – the “collapse” of the “Lower Danube” Communist Regional Organization (January 1941), which led to the arrest of dozens of people and conviction of thirteen. The involvement in the events of a character as Miron Constantinescu who, after 1945, would experienced a fulminant political ascent – becoming a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Chairman of the State Planning Committee and Minister of Education, led to the falsification of the history. Thus, the January 1941’s events were reassessed, by attributing to Miron Constantinescu all the credits for coordinating the entire clandestine communist movement in the region. In reality, things were quite different. Our study is based primarily on unpublished archival sources, and it is reconstructing the sequences of the “Lower Danube” Regional Communist Organization history, but also the identities and roles of its members. Last but not least, we tried to reconstruct the subsequent destinies of those involved in the events of January 1941. Their lives tell interesting stories.
More...
The study consists of an analysis of the historical context where the institutional evolution of the Police of Galaţi took place in the period comprised between August, 23rd, 1944 and January, 1949. The paper approaches topics such as the way the Armistice Convention from September, 12th, 1944 became effective, the tasks and theresponsibilities assigned to the Police, the relations between the Police and the Soviet troops which occupied the town, the purge of the Police personnel after the Government led by Dr. Petru Groza held the power (on March, 6th, 1945), the offensive of the Romanian Communist Party and the attitude of the Police, the role played by the Police during the elections and the amendments brought to the legal frame of the activity of the Police, which ended in the abolishment of the Police and the creation of the Popular Militia (1949).
More...
The evolution of the events at the end of the Second World War leaded to the retreat of the Romanian administration from Bessarabia and Bukovina. Among the retreated institutions were the State Archives in Chişinău and Chernovtsy relocated in Bibeşti, Gorj County, respectively, Micăsasa, Târnava Mică. The end of the World War forced Romania to enforce the stipulations of the Truce Convention signed in Moscow on September 12, 1945. Hence, the documents of the two evicted regional branches of the State Archives were handed over to the Soviet authorities in order to be transported to USSR. The documents preserved by the National Archives of Romania reflect this process and contain inventories of the restored archival patrimony.
More...
Vojislav Šikoparija - Sećanja srpskog oficira 1900-1918 Slobodan Bjelica - Sporovi oko autonomije Vojvodine - knjiga prva: 1961-1974. Slavica Popović Filipović - Hrabost između redova, ani Hristić u Srbiji i vreme odvažnih Senatori Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Biografski leksikon Polska i Jugoslawia po ii Wojnie Swiatowej
More...
The Prague-born artist and writer Vladimír Boudník (1924–1968) apprenticed as a toolmaker. In 1943, as a student at a technical college, he was sent to the Third Reich to do forced labour for the Germans. From there, he wrote home to his mother. His letters and diary entries are a valuable source, sketching the conditions in which young Czechs sent to do forced labour in Dortmund lived and worked. Boudník returned to wartime events also after coming home to Bohemia. While attending the State School of Graphic Art (Státní grafická škola v P raze), he published, at his own expense, the appeals ‘Národům’ (To the nations, 1947), in which he seeks to warn against another possible war. His art theory, explosionalismus, which he published in 1949, also developed out of his wartime experiences. He sought to create art that would ‘survive all human catastrophes’. Throughout his life, Boudník strived to change the thinking of people and subsequently society as a whole, so that war could never happen again. This effort pervades all the work he did in literature and art.
More...
František Kožík (1909–1997) was a versatile writer, whose work in Czechoslovak Radio and whose successful literary career began in the 1930s. The key period for his later status as a popular author, however, was during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, from mid- March 1939 to early May 1945. At that time, he made his mark particularly with the novel Největší z pierotů (The greatest Pierrot, 1939), which became a bestseller. But Kožík’s literary work and work for radio were accompanied also by his acceptance of the occupying regime, for example, maintaining contact with the leading Czech collaborator and, later, government minister, Emanuel Moravec (1893–1945). After the war, Kožík’s involvement was severely judged and he was not permitted to work in radio. He later sought to explain his wartime behaviour and to make light of it in memoir-like writing. Mainly on the basis of records of a bureaucratic nature, the article attempts to identify Kožík’s true behaviour and also to explain his motives at that time. In a brief outline, it then also looks at his later career, which was permanently tainted by the Occupation.
More...
The difficult Polish-Jewish relations in the years 1945-1947 in the Kielce region were influenced by Poland’s political and social situation immediately after the end of the World War 2. The article characterizes the risks and challenges which the Polishand Jewish communities faced in the first two years after the war. The awareness of immense demographic and material losses, the catastrophic living conditions, mass banditry and the struggle of the anti-communist underground resistance, both political and armed, against the new authorities, combined with the process of social reforms and the sense of insecurity they caused - were factors that worsened the morale of both the Polish and the Jewish citizens. Along with the strengthening of the new government, there was an animosity arising among some Poles against the Jewish minority. The source of this antipathy was mainly in the over-representation of the Jews on high positions within state authorities, their perceived and real privileges and the non-assimilation of the surviving Jews with the surroundings.
More...
Under the Agreement between the Kingdom of Italy and the Third Reich, about 12,500 ethnic Germans were resettled in the fall and winter of 1941/42 out of the Gottscheer County. Their property was taken over by the German “Treuhand-Gesell schaft” and sold to the Italian settlement company Emona. Through the adoption of AVNOJ-Bureau from November 1944, the new Yugoslav authorities confiscated, in favour of the state, the German state property as well as the property of German nationals and persons of German nationality. Most members of the German minority, who have remained in Slovenia to the end of the war, were banished. The confiscation of the property of the Gottscheers made of the now empty Gottscheer County a perfect district for organizing a large-scale socialist economy. Emigration, the war devastations, the confiscation plus the inadequate colonization, and false human, economic and cultural policies have led to the disappearance of the German cultural image. Of the 176 German settlements, 112 were burned or distroyed in another way and do no longer exist today. Given the fate of Gottscheers, the material witnesses of the former German settlement are very rare.
More...
For several decades, the personal continuity between the researchers on East and South East Europe during the Nazi regime and those who after 1945 managed to rebuild research institutions, had remained a taboo topic, at least in West Germany. Only in 2002, a conference organized by the Südost-Institut discussed several aspects of this continuity. This article summarizes the research on Albania in Germany between 1933 and 1945, not only on language and history, but also on all fields of science relevant for the country and its people, including the notorious „racial research“, and gives details on several careers of the scientists involved. It discusses the main structures, especially the two competing institutions for research on South East Europe in Munich, led by Fritz Valjavec, and in Leipzig, headed by Georg Stadtmüller, who both would become leading figures in West German studies on that region after 1945. A main aspect of careers and institutions as well are their manifold links with political structures of the Third Reich (like the SS), a system of tutelage and protection, which has been described as “polycracy”. The author discusses several reasons why Albanology was only a very peripheric field of research in Nazi Germany.
More...
During the German occupation in the Second World War, the cultural and literary scene of Belgrade and Serbia went through a major transformation. The main goal of the enforced transformation was to curb the creative forces of one very vibrant and fruitful environment and to force them to align with Nazi and collaborationist propaganda machinery, which preached the values fundamentally opposite to the intellectual spirit of Serbian and Yugoslav capital in the years prior to the outbreak of war. With a goal to establish control, the occupational and collaborative regimes formulated cultural policy which leaned on ideological postulates of Nazism and reactionary nationalism, xenophobia and anti-modernism. The effective control of literary life of Belgrade was enforced by censorship of all printed material and by prohibition of printing and distributing of all unfit books and magazines, by taking control over important bookstores and publishers and by deterrence, raids, denunciations and searches of personal libraries. The action of establishing control over literary life had double effect – at the same time the literary scene faded as most of the writers and intellectuals decided to withdraw from public life and refused to work in an enforced system, while the quality of the printed material drastically deteriorated; On the other hand, according to many testimonies, the people of Belgrade read a lot during the occupation, maybe more than ever before, friends and acquaintances exchanged books from their personal libraries, people talked about literature and works which had universal artistic value, but also about works which were politically and socially actual.
More...
The aim of this article is to show the relationship between Soviet partisans and the Ukrainian population in the western regions of Ukraine. It also aims to demonstrate how the attitude toward the armed troops of the Ukrainian national and nationalist underground, which operated in the area between 1942 and 1944, changed under the influence of the war on the Eastern Front and internal factors. All this led to the outbreak of an open armed conflict and terror of the red partisans against the Ukrainian peasants, most of whom supported national and nationalist partisans. These events are presented against the background of political, social and military conditions for the operation and development of the Soviet partisan movement in the area of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. This article also describes how the Soviet security police and army fought the OUN-B and UPA in this area and repressed members of the anti-communist underground and its civilian supporters during the re-establishment of the communist authorities after 1944. It also attempts to show the similarities and differences between the events in Western Ukraine (1943–1945) and the Civil War in Yugoslavia (1941–1945), including the local communists’ fight for power in the country.
More...
Croatia is the only modern country in Europe that gained independence (Independent State of Croatia, Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) during World War II thanks to the cooperation of the Axis. It is now struggling with the burden of responsibility for the mass crimes committed against Serbian, Jewish, Roma and Croatian political opponents on its own initiative rather than the Third Reich’s. On the other hand, the Croats were heavily repressed by the Yugoslav Army in 1945 (the remnants of the NDH forces were killed near Bleiburg during the so-called ‘way of the cross’). The Croats were also persecuted for their independence and cultural activities in the period between 1945 and 1991 (e.g. the Croatian Spring of 1971).Since 1991, the political scene of Croatia has been dominated by two parties: the right-wing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), which refers to the whole tradition of the independence movement with the exception of the Ustaše and NDH, and the left-wing League of Communists of Croatia (SKH), the successor of the Communist Party of Croatia. The parties fight for the memory of activities conducted by the anti-communists and communists between 1941 and 1991. They also fight to include ‘the patriotic war’ of 1991–1995 to their symbolism and win the favour of veterans.The article examines the politics of memory pursued by the Croatian authorities in relation to the events of 1941–1991 and the main participants in the political scene in the period between 1991 and 2016. It takes account of the arguments of historians and intellectuals associated with the left and right side of the political scene. It examines the impact of international circumstances, such as Croatia’s pursuit of membership of NATO and the EU, inducing the state’s authorities to prosecute and condemn the perpetrators of crimes committed on its citizens in the years 1941–1945 and those responsible for the ethnic cleansing of 1991–1995. The author also points to the impact of individual orientations in the politics of memory on the process of Croatia’s transformation from totalitarianism to democracy and the related modernization changes.
More...