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The history of PRL (Polish People's Republic) safety authorities is a very interesting issue for now-a-days (contemporary) researchers. This text refers to unknown section that is the SB (security service) and MO (citizens militia) officers health. The analysis concerns period between 1979 and 1980 years and it is a beginning of high spectrum MSW (Ministry of the Interior) healthcare studies.
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The focus of the studies that examine the Bulgarian-Austrian relations during the Cold War falls on the main aspects of the economic, political and cultural domains. The topic of Austria in the pages of the newspaper Rabotnichesko delo (“Worker’s Deed”), which was the printed organ of the Bulgarian Communist Party, has not been a subject of any research until now. The chosen time frame makes it possible to follow both the policy of the Soviet Union towards Austria from the beginning of the Korean War until the death of Stalin, but also how the country’s image gradually changed on the pages of the Bulgarian press, again in relation to Kremlin’s tactics after 1956 against the background of Kremlin’s peaceful coexistence policy.
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W artykule omówiono dyskusję na temat genezy polskiej inteligencji i przedstawiono proces jej rozwoju od epoki oświecenia do II wojny światowej. Pokazano tworzenie się warstwy wykształconego mieszczaństwa w XVIII wieku. Następnie omówiono wpływ rozbiorów. Napoleońskie Księstwo Warszawskie (1807–1815) oraz Królestwo Polskie z rosyjskim carem jako królem Polski (1815–1831) zapewniły polskiej inteligencji stanowiska w administracji państwowej oraz umożliwiły jej rozwój jako warstwy urzędników służby cywilnej. Po przegranym powstaniu 1830/1831 tysiące wykształconych osób zostało zmuszonych do emigracji. Stworzyli oni tam ideologię będącą rozwinięciem europejskiego romantyzmu, która wychwalała idee poświęcenia, walki o wolność i niepodległość. Z kolei w zaborze pruskim w latach 40. XIX wieku narodziła się ideologia „pracy organicznej”. Rywalizacja tych dwóch idei cechowała od tej chwili polskie życie intelektualne. W artykule pokazano wpływ polityki zaborców: rusyfikacja Królestwa Polskiego i równoległa germanizacja zaboru pruskiego zamknęły przed polską inteligencją możliwości zawodowe w sektorze państwowym oraz wyalienowały ją z państwa. W zaborze austriackim inteligencja mogła rozwijać kulturę narodową i znajdować zatrudnienie w administracji cywilnej, jednak z powodów materialnych nie przejęła funkcji Bildungsbürgertum. Na koniec autor pokazał znaczenie pojawienia się partii masowych oraz odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości w 1918 roku dla funkcji, podziałów i światopoglądu polskiej inteligencji.
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This article investigates the scope of the principle of legality in Brazil, its basis, developments, and limits and the role of governing officials in light of this principle. In a summarized manner, we examine the several instruments for the control of legality found in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. We also analyze the legal institutes of a state of siege, a state of defense, and provisional measures, seeking to identify the reach of such exceptions to legality in Brazil and how their inordinate use has had an adverse effect on Brazilian society.
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The theme of the dialogue is devoted to the image of the city of Bălți, as it is revealed through the results of studying the “small histories” of those who personally knew the period of deportations and whose victims they were. The experience of researching the memory of the victims of the totalitarian-communist regime in the Moldavian SSR and the analysing of new sources of historical research – the oral history testimonies – made it possible to investigate some undervalued layers, but with the deep potential to penetrate into the human dimension of history and the histories of those who have lived in Soviet-administered Bălți. The memory carried by the families that passed through the Soviet occupation in the city of Bălți in 1940–1941 and 1944–1991, respectively, is part of the today city’s historical heritage. By erecting monuments, organizing commemorative actions or thematic events, the places of memory will keep alive the memory of the victims of the Soviet occupation regime and the connection between the generations of Bălți residents. At the same time, these actions will build a European culture of memory, integrated into the European cultural heritage.
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Stefan Sadovnicov is the artist who approaches several genres of painting. His creative activity is based on the connection of the three fields of arts: painting, music and literature. He writes poems, evokes the old times, paints. That is why the city of his childhood and youth – Bălți – appears to him represented as a universe rich in colors, shapes, sounds, etc. In all the works with this motif we feel the artist’s affection for the city of his soul. Stefan Sadovnicov is one of the few artists of great sensitivity, depth and intelligence. The series of paintings with the title „the city that no longer exists...”, executed in the70s–80s, are not just simple landscapes with buildings specific to the time, they retain deep meanings. The main reasons are longing, going back in time, nostalgic memories, etc. e visual artist did not simply paint the urban landscape, but selected the histories of the streets and buildings of Bălți, looked for old pictures and asked the residents. He approached the subject philosophically, drawing a parallel between the city and people who have souls.
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The article discusses the disintegration of the coalition of interest between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia as the avantgarde of the workers’ movement and the working class in Yugoslavia, with emphasis on the situation in Croatia. Their "coalition” was an exchange for legitimacy for the communists, and the working class gained job security and broad social rights through them. Such a coalition of interest was challenged during the economic crises in the 1980s, which could not be successfully resolved by the theoretic postulations of socialist self-management. Because of the economic crisis, the party leaders considered the socially motivated dissatisfaction of workers as potentially the greatest source of political crisis and social destabilisation. Party leadership was exceptionally sensitive to this subject, and because of the concept of Yugoslav society as a socialist self-management state in which, at least formally, the power rested in the hands of the working class, and the League of Communists was just its avantgarde form. During 1988, the predominant opinion in the avantgarde was that changes towards a market orientation were necessary, which actually meant the end of socialist self-management and the "coalition” of interest with the working class.
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The contribution of the artist Eiženija Heniša (1922–1984) to Latvian children’s book art development in the 1950s and 1960s is exceptional. The artistic quality of her illustrations not only corresponds to the development trends in the period under review as a whole but also can be seen as a catalyst for growth. The purpose of this paper is to explore the contribution of Heniša’s art and highlight the synergies between fine art, graphic design, and narrative in Latvian children’s book art of this period. Already the earliest of the artist’s works demonstrated her artistic talent and high mastery of graphic techniques. Various dimensions and contrasts were applied. Images were created following a strong tradition of realism, highlighting the facial expressions, gestures, grimaces, and posture of subjects. These features became the qualities of Heniša’s artistic expression in the 1950s and 1960s. Children’s books due to Heniša’s artistic contribution become stylistically unified works of art, characterized by realistic drawing and stylistic contemporaneity; originality of created typography for covers, title pages, titles; emotional comfort created by the compositional harmony.
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In this article, the author presents a biography of Dr Stanko Korać – from his early days to his employment in Serb Cultural Society “Prosvjeta” in Zagreb in 1969. Before arriving to the Society, Korać achieved a respectable reputation as literary historian and theoretician, professor and director of the Education Sciences Academy in Karlovac, as well as author of articles published by several academic and professional institutions in Croatia and Serbia. In “Prosvjeta” he will become an editor of its Publishing House, as well as of magazine “Prosvjeta”. He published edited volumes as well as Prosvjeta's Yearbook (Ljetopis), publications whose focus was on research and public presentation of literature and culture of Serbs in Croatia. Subsequently, he gradually reduced his interest in other Croatian literature and focused almost entirely on literary works written by Serbs in Croatia. He takes as his main objective to publish his research results in academic and professional publications. In turbulent times of “Maspok”, he was a staunch defender of SCS “Prosvjeta”, as the only existent cultural institution of Serbs in Croatia. When he started warning that institutions of the Republic neglected the need for Serbs in Croatia to develop its own institutions in order to develop modern cultural consciousness, he was met with resistance to this idea. Korać was born in 1929 in Čemernica near Vrginmost in Banija, Croatia. He was orphaned in 1943, during the war. He graduated Yugoslav languages and literature as well as Russian language and literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb, where he also obtained his PhD on Croatian Novels in Modernism. He authored ten books, of which the most significant is A Review of Literary Works by Serbs in Croatia. Being Secretary to the newly re-established Prosvjeta in 1991, he left Zagreb during the conflict and died in Belgrade in 1994.
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The paper presents the origins of attempt as well as the work conducted in the Criminal Unit and the Criminal Law Section of the Codification Commission of the Republic of Poland on the juridical construction of attempt. The discussion and analysis are based on the papers delivered during a meeting of the section by Juliusz Makarewicz and Aleksander Mogilnicki. The proposals presented in them were used in the final version of Chapter III of the draft Polish Criminal Code. The author demonstrates that the construction of attempt was shaped by in-depth discussions within the criminal law section. The aim was to codify attempt in a modern manner in the Criminal Code, taking into account earlier legislation as well as legal doctrine. The study is an attempt to present in general terms the institution of the Prosecutor’s Office in the years 1944–1950 in the reality of the Polish state revived after the Second World War. On account of the fact that Zamość was located in the border strip within newly established borders, special attention is paid to the activity of the Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość. The Prosecutor’s Office, just like other state authorities, was created after the Second World War along with the formation of a Polish statehood. The system and the competencies of the post-war Prosecutor’s Office were based on the legal regulations enforced in the interwar period, i.e. the Decree Law of the President of the Republic of Poland on organisation of common law courts dated 6th February, 1928. A capitalist type of prosecutor’s office was established, based on the German model in particular. Although the new authorities did not make any amendments to these regulations in the years 1944–1945, they introduced some legal acts that had an impact on the functioning of the Prosecutor’s Office. The prosecutors’ obligation of loyalty to the political system and the people’s authorities instead of the existing obligation of impartiality was a clear symptom of that. Consequently, the authorities demanded absolute obedience from prosecutors. The Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość began its activity on the initiative of the local authorities after the German occupiers left the region on 1 August 1944. In terms of territory, the Prosecutor’s Office included four districts: Zamość, Tomaszów Lubelski, Biłgoraj and Hrubieszów. The post-war social and political situation, as well as the immediate proximity of the border had a significant influence on the scope of the cases handled by the Prosecutor’s Office. The investigation into the mass murders of Polish people by the Germans in the area of the Zamość “Rotunda” was the greatest challenge for the Prosecutor’s Office at the District Court in Zamość. The Prosecutor’s Office functioned until the middle of 1950, when, as a result of system changes, it was replaced by the District Prosecutor’s Office in Zamość.
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The aim of this article is to present the phenomenon of utopianism on the example of texts published in the Polish magazine Młody Technik in the years 1975–1985. The work refers to the findings of leading researchers of utopian studies and Polish thinkers of utopia. The texts are analyzed in terms of the presence of a desire narrative in them. The article also focuses on the multiplicity of problems raised in the texts from the journal. The conducted analyses show a strong presence of utopianism in the mentioned magazine in the declining phase of the Polish People’s Republic. They also allow conclusions regarding the reasons for the popularity of desire narratives. They are the result of the country’s socio-economic situation at that time. The analyzed texts show that it is necessary to revise the current negative view of utopia and to notice its constructive value, most clearly visible in the context of utopianism. Utopianism is one of the most important resentments of postmodernity.
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Existing scholarship treats congresses of the ruling communist parties in the Eastern Bloc as staged performances intended to manufacture support and signal new policy trends. This article, using the examples of extraordinary party congresses held during revolutionary times in Poland (1981) and the German Democratic Republic (1989) offers another perspective. It looks at the events as spaces where rank-and-file delegates could contest particular decisions of their organization, while simultaneously straying away from more radical forms of dissent. This article follows and compares the actions of delegates in both countries by highlighting how they disrupted the agenda of the congresses over the question of elite corruption committed by former members of the party leadership and accountability for these wrongdoings. These episodes show that anti-corruption was a genuinely important moral preoccupation, as well as an argument for demanding change, and that, during the 1980s, ideas grounded in socialism still possessed major legitimacy.
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This inscription found in Ostia in 1958, which belongs to the series of "Fasti Ostienses" is an important monument for the history of Georgia, because it contains information about the visit of the Georgian king, Pharasmanes II, called the Valliant to Rome. It is true that the inscription itself and the issue of the Iberian king's visit to Rome at the invitation of Emperor Antoninus Pius attracted the attention of many Georgian and foreign researchers, but some issues still are unexplored and undetermined. One of the most important problems which is still uncertain today remains the approximate date of the visit of the King of Iberia and his retinue to Rome. The situation is complicated by the fact that the latest results of the reconstruction of the inscription have not been included in the Georgian scientific circulation. The article shows the modern state of restoration and interpretation of the inscription, analyzes the report kept with Dio Cassius regarding Pharasmanes's visit to Rome, and based on the comparative analysis of epigraphic and literary sources, presents our arguments regarding the exact dating of the inscription.
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The paper briefly describes the political situation in Daruvar and the Daruvar municipality during the „Croatian Spring” from 1970 until 1971. The Daruvar area was not very receptive to the ideas of the „spring” due to the diverse population (especially a significant number of the Serbian population). Nevertheless, an attempt was made to establish a branch of Matrix Croatica Daruvar with considerable difficulties. Despite considerable effort, the branch was never established, but the idea of „spring” took root among the mostly Croatian and less Czech population of the settlement.
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The emigration of Istrian Italians after the Second World War, most often called the “Exodus”, has been a frequent topic of many historical and anthropological studies. This paper reports on new findings based on the EU project Identity on the Line, which studied and interpreted a series of involuntary migrations and unwanted consequences for peoples, communities and individuals in Europe in the middle of the 20th century. In the research of the Istrian “Exodus”, an effort was made to find new testimonies and stories and reach voices that had not been “heard” thus far. In this process, it became obvious that the status and fate of the Istrian Italians who did not emigrate, the so-called “Rimasti” (less studied so far) is very complex due to the ambivalent relationship with the emigrated Istrian Italians (the “Esuli”) as well as with the newly created social environment. Photographs and statements from both communities were collected and meant to be used for two exhibitions, films and publications, thus bringing to light their intimate accounts (some of which were told for the first time), presenting them in a public space. This transformation necessarily implied very careful and sensitive cooperation with the informants, with the aim of making their traumas more visible, as well as establishing museums as institutions where increased efforts are made to communicate “difficult heritage”.
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This article discusses the debates on abortion rights and practices that took place in socialist Yugoslavia. It focuses on the microhistorical case studies of Varaždin and Karlovac, with specific attention given to the period between the first liberalisation of abortion for social reasons in 1960 and the full liberalisation of abortion until 10 weeks in 1969. The primary sources for this article stem from the collections of the Conference for the Social Activity of Women in the Croatian State Archives, as well as periodicals such as Arhiv za zaštitu majke i djeteta issued by the Institute for the Protection of Mother and Child in Zagreb. Digitalised local press sources – Varaždinski vjesnik and Karlovački tjednik – are also explored. As shown in the paper, the liberalisation of abortion in 1960s Yugoslavia generated a wide array of dilemmas for women and practitioners alike. While legal abortions were seen as necessary to curb illegal ones, they were nonetheless perceived by local practitioners as something that should best be prevented and which could prejudice a woman’s reproductive abilities, particularly in the case of first pregnancies. Many women recurred to legal and illegal abortion as a result of the lack in health infrastructure, unavailable contraceptives, difficult social conditions and persisting patriarchal gender norms.
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Self-managerial transformation of culture was based on constitutional and legislative changes which happened in socialist Yugoslavia in the mid-1970s as a need for further advancement of self-management in the state. One of the results was the rejection of the, until then, popular phrase „Culture to the workers!” as a relict of outdated enlightening-educative cultural practices, which were widespread in the period of early socialism. New cultural policies were a symbol of turning back to the original Marx’s and Lenin’s writings. In that way, culture was now seen as a mean and way of life, and not only traditional cultural and artistic practices. It was supposed to help workers to overcome the alienation of their work and turn the working place into cultural space as well. There, workers could and should be able to satisfy all their needs: for the consumption of high culture and arts, for creative and artistic self-expression, but also to practice the ideas of solidary, equality and interpersonal relations as basis of self-managerial culture. This paper focuses on comparison of two case studies: Uljanik shipyard in Pula and Jugoturbina turbine factory in Karlovac. They were both industrial giants and economic and social centres of their municipalities, but also had wider, regional importance. Through the analysis of the factory newspapers and reports on cultural changes, successes and failures in the 1970s and 1980s, this paper aims to find out how applicable cultural theories created by Yugoslav intellectuals and cultural policies were.
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This work analyses the economic cooperation between the Socialist Republic of Montenegro and the Federal Republic of Germany, that is to say its federal states. The Federal Republic of Germany was among the most significant economic partners of Yugoslavia, i.e. the Yugoslav Republics in the late 1970s. With regard to the value of trade, it was the second most important foreign trade partner of Montenegro at the time. Montenegro’s objective was to reduce the trade deficit through an increase in exports, to attract German investors and extend the cooperation to other regions. This objective required the establishment of direct political and economic relations. In the mid-70s the Yugoslav republics established direct relations with the German Federal Republics. Relations between the Executive Council (Government) of Montenegro and the governments of the states of Hamburg, Baden-Württemberg and Bremen were established in the late 70s and the early 80s.
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W niniejszym numerze „Societasa/Communitas” publikowane jest dokończenie trzeciej części listów Marii Ossowskiej, czyli listy z lat 1959-1963 (listy 384-472). Wcześniejsze chronologicznie części korespondencji ukazały się: w tomie 31: cz. 1: 1918-1939 [listy 1-146], w tomie 32: cz. 2: 1940¬ 1949 [listy 147-275], w tomie 33: początek cz. 3: 1951-1958 [listy 276¬ 383]. Koncepcja edycji listów przedstawiona została w tomie 31. Wybrany podział chronologiczny korespondencji pomyślany był jako rodzaj dopowiedzenia do wydanych w latach: 2019-2022 Dzienników Stanisława Ossowskiego, zestawionych w analogicznej chronologii. W trakcie prac nad przygotowaniem listów do edycji zweryfikowano ich datowanie i numerację. Edycja korespondencji Marii Ossowskiej stanowi namiastkę zniszczonych jej własnych dzienników i stanowi ważny dokument do badania historii socjologii.
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