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Despite a narrative of deindustrialization, monotowns and former industrial settlements are numerous in today’s Russia, and are significant not only in terms of the territory they occupy and the population they host but also because of the particular economic and cultural practices, logics of community building, and particular types of “connectedness” and horizontal networks that make these places special and habitable for their “dwellers.” This article offers an ethnographic account of the daily lives of blue-collar workers in a former industrial town in central Russia. Based on extensive fieldwork, the article demonstrates how people live their lives and manage to remain “satisfied” with what they have despite the crisis and relative poverty they faced after the fall of the socialist project, losing the town-forming enterprise, and the social trends associated with neoliberal transformation. The article presents a case study that shows the “other life” in today’s Russia, which is not at all present in mainstream academic discourse.
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Review of: Ekaterina Demintseva - Сергей Абашин. Советский кишлак: Между колониализмом и модернизацией. М.: НЛО, 2015. 848 с. ISBN 978-5-4448-0219-9.
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Review of: Marco Clementi - Сесиль Вессье. За вашу и нашу свободу! Диссидентское движение в России. М.: Новое литературное обозрение, 2015. 576 с. ISBN 978-5-4448-0268-7.
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Review of: Alexandra Kasatkina - Stephen Collier. Post-Soviet Social: Neoliberalism, Social Modernity, Biopolitics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011. 312 pp. ISBN 978-0-691 14830-4.
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Review of: Alexandra Smith - Il’ia Kukulin. Mashiny zashumevshego vremeni: Kak sovetskii montazh stal metodom neofitsial’noi kul’tury. Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2015. 535 pp. ISBN 978-5-4448-0245-8.
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Review of: Tatiana Borisova - Michael David-Fox. Crossing Borders: Modernity, Ideology, and Culture in Russia and the Soviet Union. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015. 336 pp. ISBN 978-0-8229-6367-7.
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The article deals with the analysis of employing the symbol of Mother Volga in the discourse of the battle of Stalingrad. The author points out that the battle was represented in the Soviet propaganda as defending Mother Volga which served as a substitute of the Motherland. The article begins with a discussion of the theoretical aspects of the nationalism study exploiting the maternal symbol of rivers. It then proceeds to sketch out the role of the views on the Volga as mother in the Soviet culture of 1920—1930s. Next, the article examines forms and functions of the Soviet propaganda’s employing the image of Mother Volga in the time of the battle of Stalingrad. The author demonstrates that using this image contributed to strengthening the Soviet identity; war mobilization; substantiating the idea of the Red Army’s military and moral superiority; and creating the image of the Enemy. Above all, employing the image helped to maintain the collective identity, participating in the drawing symbolic boundaries between “us” and “them”: the Volga received a special status as a hypostasis of the Soviet Motherland.
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At the end of the Second World War and immediately thereafter, a powerful wave of repression and revolutionary terror ensued in all countries in Eastern Europe, including Yugoslavia and Serbia, by exploiting antifascism for the purpose of eliminating opponents of the revolution. This violence was only partially dictated by the war, the “ethos of retaliation” and even the personal motives which inevitably accompany virtually every armed conflict in history, while the major part constituted the first phase in a well-planned communist revolution which eliminated its class and political adversaries in stages. This was initially accomplished by extra-judiciary liquidations organized by the secret police, but then the primacy was assumed by show trials generally based on accusations of war crimes or some form of collaboration.
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The topic of this work is the treatment of antifascism in Croatian (and, up to 1990, Yugoslav) historiography. The term antifascism was inaugurated on the eve of the Second World War by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia(KPJ) based on guidelines from the Communist International. During the Second World War, the KPJ managed to seize power and restore Yugoslavia thanks to its practical application of antifascism. After the war, antifascism was entirely ignored, and the war was interpreted exclusively as a people’s liberation struggle and socialist revolution. Public use of the term antifascism returned during the collapse of communism and the disintegration of Yugoslavia from 1990 to 1992. Moving away from the structures associated with the former ruling communist elite (members of the Communist Party and Partisan war veterans), antifascism imposed itself as a component of democratic ideology that could not be subjected to scrutiny, rather it had to be unquestioningly accepted. Historical antifascism served the communists to exploit non-communists to then seize authority, while contemporary “antifascism” serves their direct and ideological heirs to prevent a re-examination of communist crimes and the undemocratic character of socialist Yugoslavia.
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On considering the current international position of the People’s Republic of China, one cannot omit the life and political career of its key reformer, Deng Xiaoping. This article has two main purposes. The first is to show how Deng’s life path shaped not only his views, but also personal qualities that helped him question the prevailing status quo and - without de jure changing the regime - lead his country on the road to capitalism and increasing wealth. The second goal set by the author is to describe the intricacies of this road.
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As other wars "Cold War" also has prerequisites and preparations. Deportation of Caucasian and Crimean people is tragic facts of this war. Historians name it as "Cold War" but the people who deported was real and warm. At the beginning of the World War II, the turn came for Turkey. But the attack of Germany to USSR forced Soviet Union to change the plans. In this process Turkey get rid of from "Germany's arms" and was able to maintain a neutral position. After the war, the Soviet power began to spread in Eastern Europe. World went to polarization as communist and anti-communist blocks between USA and Soviet Union. While discussing the emergence of "Cold War" some historians mainly find Soviets as a guilty part.But some historians puts attention on deep anticomunist observance at West and especially in USA and the desire of United States to take dominant role after the war.
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The poetry of the period of independence, self requested methods ownership the satirical style, distinguished by being involved in the research. Undoubtedly, the political history of the development of the national poetry in the style peculiar way, is evident from the many valuable artifacts. However, there is a need to note that during the years of Soviet power of literature, including poetry, satiric wing was not so importance. Seriously evaluated this aspect of art.
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After the Soviet Union disbanded, the attachment of Turkey increased in this region. Especially neighboring state of Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan which is independent in many facets, come into Turkey’s domain. In recent years of USSR, first of all Baltic Republics stirred to clear off and they celebrated their independence. Azerbaijan also merged to this procession but it was under constraint of Gorbacov and Polit Bureau. This compulsion turned in to massacre in Azerbaijan; first of all in Baku, in 20th of January, 1990. Azerbaijan nationalist Hasan Hasanov was made president by Moscow in order to reconcile administration and public. Turkish Republic and Turkish community want to learn closed period of USSR. Dr. Hasan Hasanov who lived this period as an administrator answered our questions. It is important and topicality for Turkey and the World out of USSR to know this district with all respects. This work has been prepared like a book but I want to submit first part as an article by means of this congress. It is known that memoirs are important for history science. Hasan Hasanov is an important witness of that period and he is the first source for some events. When we examine carefully, we understand that Hasan Hasanov as an administrator and man of letter; generally attended Azerbaijan, Turkish and Islam culture before independence. Additionally, this work establishes Georgia during 1940’s and Muslim community in Georgia.
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Bruto nacionalni proizvod neke zemlje može se razdijeliti na različite načine. Konkretno, može se razdijeliti tako da bolje zadovoljava manje hitne nego hitnije potrebe. U tom je slučaju opće blagostanje stanovništva ispod objektivno postizive razine. Ovaj jednostavni zdravorazumski pristup potiče dobro poznate i goleme analitičke i teoretske probleme. Ako prihvatimo - kao što se to općenito čini - da međupersonalne usporedbe blagostanja nisu moguće ili opravdane, tada izgleda da nema objektivnih kriterija za prosuđivanje relativne hitnosti potreba. Uz to, opće blagostanje ovisi ne samo o raspodjeli, već i o proizvodnji. Stoga imamo zamku povratne sprege u sistemu koji ne možemo mjeriti - jasnu analitički mrtvu točku.
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Vahabzade’nin eserlerinde birbirinden farklı üç dönemin izlerini görmek mümkündür. Şairin çocukluk yılları, Sovyetlerin Azerbaycan’da hâkimiyet kurmak için vermiş olduğu mücadelelerin en kesif olduğu döneme denk gelir. Doğup büyüdüğü şehir Şeki’de yönetime isyan eden binlerce insan Sovyet askerleriyle mücadele eder. Sovyet yönetimine boyun eğmeyen, baş kaldıran Şekililer mücadelesini, 1945 yılına kadar sürdürür. Hadiseleri çocuk merakı ve hissiyle anlamaya çalışan Vahabzade, çocuk yaşlarında şahit olduğu hadiselerin mahiyetini daha sonraki dönemlerde daha iyi anlayacaktır.
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Lacking a structured ideological basis, the early Romanian national Communism stresses the idea of independence, attempting to assert the theory of Communist national origins. The recourse to Romanian history was used to fill in the void created within the ideological space by the rejection of Muscovite integration policies. During the first phase, until 1968, history was used mainly as a weapon to wage foreign ideological battles; afterwards, national history, reinterpreted according to Ceauşescu’s views, became the basis of a new national ideology and, consequently, a means of propaganda. Historian’s professional actions and historiography itself became part of the state policy and therefore were completely subdued to Ceauşescu’s efforts of forming a new type of Romanian civilization, having a Socialist form and National content. The increasing frequency and quality of contacts with the West, along with an obvious timing of Romanian historians’ participation in inter-Socialist projects started a genuine ideological battle between Romanian historians and those from the “Socialist community”, especially the USSR, Hungary and Bulgaria – countries with whom Romania had a series of territorial disputes and the interpretation of national history became a means of outward signal sending, particularly towards the Socialist countries and especially the USSR.
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This research shows and analyses how the cosmopolitism concept turned into its own antithesis within the discourse of proletarian internationalism, covering the periods of late Russian Empire and Stalin in the Soviet Union. The aim of the theoretical study is to stress out modern phenomenon of anti-cosmopolitism, within the current and wide debate on the idea of cosmopolitism and its classical, medieval, enlightenment and modern interpretations, as well as to view it in the context of Russian and Soviet nationalism.
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Bulgaria joined the Second World War on the side of Germany and was defeated. The Red Army of Russia, which is among the victors of the war, occupied the country and founded a socialist government close to itself. The Patriotic Front government preferred “the Soviet model” in its domestic and foreign policy. The government applied the policies of pressure, persecution and forced immigration to the minorities in its country, particularly to the Muslim Turks. The Turks, living near Turkish border of Bulgaria were exiled to interior regions by the order of Stalin and those, who resisted to these policies, were forced migration to Turkey in 1950-1951 years. Bulgarian government applied assimilation policies towards Turks staying in the country in the context of the secret decisions, taken by the Bulgarian Communist Party Central Committee Politburo and tried to create “a socialist society with one-nation”. In this study, the policies towards Turks in Bulgaria and the reasons of their immigrations to Turkey have been analyzed on the basis of official documents.
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