Utemeljivanje dobre vladavine u islamskoj tradiciji
Review of: Ahmet Alibašić, Načela dobre vladavine u islamskoj civilizaciji, Sarajevo: Centar za napredne studije, 2022. 140 str., ISBN 978-9926-471-56-9.
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Review of: Ahmet Alibašić, Načela dobre vladavine u islamskoj civilizaciji, Sarajevo: Centar za napredne studije, 2022. 140 str., ISBN 978-9926-471-56-9.
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Muhammad Abduh is a significant thinker who lived in Egypt during the peroiod of “the new ‘ilm al-kalâm”. His writings made an impact on Islamic philosophy. He aimed to provide the world of Islamic thought a fresh rational perspective. He sought to arrive at the logical and scientific foundations of religion. In this regard, he valued knowledge of and access to data from modern science. By highlighting the significance of the connection between reason and science, Abduh hoped to make the role of religion more effective. because as time passed, the 19th century’s conditions in the world and its mentality significantly changed. He created discourses against the Western world’s misleading currents and philosophical tendencies against Islam for this reason. In his discourses, Abduh employed the concept of "wisdom" (hikmah) as a method. In response to the absolute rationalist and determinist interpretation of science that has been formed, particularly in the West in the current century, he believed it would be suitable to describe Islam with the concept of wisdom. Abduh desired that Muslims have a voice in all spheres, including sociology, psychology, science, and technology. Abduh struggled to accomplish these objectives as well as to revive and revitalize the structure of religious thought. He reflected on God’s actions, and those of His creatures, and the purposes of religion using the concept of wisdom as a tool and approach. Instead than becoming caught down in specifics or theoretical discussions on the nature and attributes of God as in classical theology, he favored a different approach for this aim. For this reason, ‘Abduh emphasized the value of reflecting on the wisdom and purposes of the texts as well as the creation as a whole. In his intellectual world, his goals were to establish a jurisprudence that is appropriate for the requirements of people, to grasp the meanings in the essence of creatures, to know the reasons of the creation of the universe, and to make accurate interpretations in accordance with the spirit of the Qur’an. He believed that using wisdom would be the best way to accomplish these objectives. Abduh attempted to combat fanaticism and imitation at the same time with his original interpretations and rationalist approaches brought about by wisdom. He claimed that wisdom, which is the sound knowledge, rules the will and motivates a person to take action. He placed more emphasis on wisdom’s practical side, which motivates individuals to take action, than its theoretical one. According to him, man is capable of knowing the true secrets of the Shari’ah with wisdom. Because a believer ought to be aware that religion entails understanding the wisdom behind the religious deeds, which entails submission to Allah. Reason can open the gates of ijtihad in Islamic thought. Man advances toward the original Creator of everything, the First Cause of all causes, in this way by correctly grasping the cause and effect relationship in nature. On the basis of contemporary cosmological examples from the states of celestial bodies, Abduh—who gave the principle of causality a lot of weight—drew attention to the principle of cause and effect. He supported the causation, order, and rules in the natural laws using by this argument. He did not respect coincidences, stories, or mysteries, instead emphasizing the connection between wisdom and science. According to him, isdom is the pathway to religion; the power and rationale behind the particular order that rules the cosmos is appreciated. The prophets and the Qur’an were sent to make clear the monotheism’s wisdom. Drawing a lesson from the creation will help a man reach tawheed (the unity of Gpd), and wisdom is the way to drwaing a lesson. These remarks demonstrate Abduh’s acceptance of knowledge as a means of renewal religious thought. Compared to the traditional theological discourse of wisdom, this discourse is distinctive. Because there are several theoretical disputes in the traditional religious discourse of wisdom. On the other side, Abduh emphasizes the kinship of religion and science with a different depth of wisdom and reflection on divine actions and creatures in an effort to encourage Muslims to raise in the face of the West.
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The article presents the impact of the Islamicate populations and literacies in Portuguese colonial litera- ture and scholarship. The main ethnic group that focused the attention of the colonisers were the aggres- sive, dominant Fulani portrayed in the novels of Fausto Duarte, Auá and A Revolta. Their usages and traditions were studied by the first Portuguese ethnographers and ethnohistorians with almost satisfactory results. On the other hand, Islam in the oriental part of the Portuguese colonial empire (Mozambique) was much less understood. The Portuguese paid greater attention to the aggressive, jihadist movements in West Africa than to the relatively less conspicuous Sufi movements that developed in the port cities and islands along the East African coast. Overall, the process of Islamicization of the territories controlled by the Portuguese went on unhindered or even accelerated during the colonial period.
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Traditional artworks in different periods, especially after the advent of Islam in Iran, have benefited a lot from text adornment, due to the emphasis of this religion on science, literacy, and its positive approach to the use of calligraphy. Needless to say, the use of calligraphy was not merely decorative; it was used more to convey a message and show the status of an issue. Metal working in the Safavid period has many artistic and religious values in material and spiritual aspects. Safavid artists have used religious themes, mystical, and Quranic concepts in decorating their works. In their works, they have revealed the mysterious manifestations of mysticism, Islamic religion, and Shiite religion. Samples of metal objects with calligraphy with Quranic content and religious devotions have been investigated. The findings indicate that, in addition to having a decorative aspect, Safavid metalworking has taken its motifs from the common religious thought of that period, namely the Shiite religion. Inside their forms and motifs, these objects are created symbolically as an illustration of the beliefs, rituals, and faith of the Safavid period. Those metal objects that have Quranic verses have a special use, and they are generally used for religious purposes. The content of the verses used, above all, has determined the volume and practical importance of the verse; the artist, therefore, has mostly used the small chapters of the 30th part of the Quran, Ayat al-Korsi, and short verses that have a message in them. The contents of the present article have been collected by library methods; it has been prepared based on documents and in a descriptive-analytical and comparative way. In this article, only a limited number of objects have been examined, which have received more attention than the decorative aspect.
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In dictionaries, ziyāda (excessed phrases) means to make more, to increase, and is defined as the opposite of deficiency. Ziyādahs, which does not cause any difference in terms of grammar (i‘rāb, naḥw)or meaning between its presence and its absence in syntax, and which exceeds the necessary limit in the divine word, which come as additions and excesses in the form of letters, nouns, and verbs, are among the most basic stylistic features and structural problems of the Qur’ān. Are these ziyādas, which have been a challenge for the commentators, really a divine word fault and defect, or an artistic (bedīʿī) beauty, as some have suggested in our tradition? In other words, are these structures that contain various subtleties of meaning that the Arabs of the 7th century Hejaz region did not know, were not familiar with, and had not heard of, or, on the contrary, are they patterns of expression that were formed and manifested within the framework of the linguistic customs and traditions, and literary tastes of the Arabs of that day, which were present and well-known in their daily speech, oral and literary genres? These questions and problems are analyzed in this article. Of course, our aim in this study is not to take all of the Qur’ān’s ziyādas one by one, to read them within the framework of divine, transcendental mystery and wisdom, to describe the subtleties and depths of meaning or rhythmic beauties they add to the expression. These have already been dealt with more or less in our tradition or some academic studies today. Although the relationship of the Qur’ān’s ziyādas with the linguistic customs and traditions of the Arabs of that period and their literary tastes has been weakly touched upon between the lines in the ancient literature, unfortunately, there has not yet been a study that makes this kind of reading in modern period studies. Therefore, our aim in this study is to examine the relationship of these expression structures with the language usage customs of the Arabs of that period, their literary tastes, and their linguistic and cultural anthropological structures. In this respect, as a result of this research, which we think is different from the existing academic studies, original and authentic, and in which we use the literature review method, it is revealed that the redundant structures of the Qur’ān for rhythmic and non-rhythmic purposes are related to the literary tastes, linguistic customs and traditions of the Arabs at the period of revelation/nüzūl, more precisely, it is not in a language and style that is above and beyond the existing language patterns and usages, that transcends them (hārikun ʿale’l-ʿāde), transhistorical and transcendental.
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In the context of the war in Ukraine, the concept of "holy war" has come to the fore. In fact, the enemy turned against the victim precisely for reasons of spiritual purification, at least in a declarative way. This paper aims to present the concept of holy war and its ethics, not from the Christian conception but from the Islamic conception, where war and fighting have been a modus vivendi throughout the ages. For Muslims, war has been the chosen way they used from the beginning to proliferate the Islamic movement. It has also been used as a form of defense for one's own faith or even culture. Can war, at some point, be part of the solution no matter what problem arises? This paper aims to present the concept of war in the Islamic religion.
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Asceticism and seclusion means staying alone with Allah by not mixing too much with people. In fact, real asceticism is spending most of one's time in quiet and peaceful places, away from society, in order to worship in a more sincere manner. Human desires and desires are unlimited. Asceticism, on the other hand, is not completely abandoning pleasurable legitimate desires, but not turning them into goals. Ascetic time, one of the sufi configurations; the century of bliss is an important period of the foundations of Sufism and includes the periods of tabi’in and tebe-i tabi’in. In the period of the companions, your side is lived as much as your tabi'in. As worshipers and devotees, they will be able to form a living unity within themselves. As the worldly inclination of progress increases among the Muslims, a community that we can call the ascetic movement, led by hitler and lice, seems outwardly. During this period, many schools emerged. The most prominent school is the Basra school, which is famous for Hasan Basrî and his followers, Rabiatü'l-Adeviyye and his followers. Basra school is divided into two as "fear and sorrow" under the leadership of Hasan Basrî and "for God's sake" under the leadership of Rabiatü'l -Adeviyye. The similarities and differences between the lives of Hasan Basrî and Rabiatü'l Adeviyye, their understanding of zühd and their mysticism will be revealed. Sufism is an institution that has played an important role in the lives of Muslims with its ascetic life form, although not directly under the name of Sufism since the first years of Islam. In every era, Muslims who are fond of their spirituality have sought different ways to further develop their spiritual world. In addition to supererogatory worship, they wanted to enrich their spirit world with different numbers or innumerable dhikrs. They built ascetic houses in order to discipline their souls with seclusion. All these efforts have affected the shaping in the formation process of the history of Sufism. The formation process of Sufism from the beginning to the present is historically evaluated in three periods. These are respectively; period of asceticism, the period of sects and the periods of mysticism. At this point, asceticism is to stay away from all thoughts other than Allah and to place only the love of Allah in the heart. Although it was stated that ascetic life was lived individually during the first two centuries of Hijri, the pre-sufi movement was shaped as ascetic schools based on regions rather than individuality. In this context, Hasan Basrî, who lives in Basra, emerges as an important personality. With the dhikr assemblies and lodges established by the ascetics organized under his leadership, the evolution of this period into the Sufi period has also gained momentum. Hasan Basrî is one of the early Sufis. He is regarded as the founder and first leader of the fear-based ascetic school in Basra. The childhood of Hasan Basrî among the Companions enabled him to engage in science at a young age. In addition to this, the sadness he felt from these events because he witnessed the wars between the Companions and lived in times when some political events were taking place, was one of the biggest factors in his sad ascetic life in Basra. In this period of intense internal turmoil, he recommended silence and entrusting matters to Allah. He always advised to preserve the unity and order of the ummah. He lived a moderate ascetic life. According to him, asceticism is built on the principle of standing against worldly things and those who work for worldly things. His understanding of asceticism is to live in the way of life drawn by the prophet, to give up on whims and whims, and to show patience for things that are not pleasing to the soul. Seeing the world as a sole purpose is a great disaster for him. His Sufi views are based on contemplation, self-purification, fear and sadness. He and his supporters are notorious for crying. Rabiatü'l-Adeviyye is one of the first female Sufis who was born when Hasan Basrî was about 70 years old. She is one of the leading figures of the ascetic period, who was shown as an example in terms of science and morality. She lost his family at a young age and started working as a slave. She continued his life as a sufi who did not pursue any goal other than Allah's consent, rejected marriage proposals and tried to avoid everything that he thought would hinder divine love. She endured all kinds of difficulties and sought only Allah's approval. She worshiped neither for the love of heaven nor for the fear of hell. Her worship is based on loving Allah because He is Allah. Reaching the beauty of Allah has been his greatest goal. According to her, since the blessings of the world and the love of God cannot be found in the same place, her asceticism was shaped in the direction of his choice to leave the world. In her sufi views, she emphasized the concepts of love, hope and optimism rather than fear and sadness. According to her, the lover should obey the order of the loved one and be patient in fulfilling the prayers. For her, there is no obligation more important than serving God. Worship done with love gives peace to the servant. According to her, divine love is the result of the servant’s sincerity to Allah. As a matter of fact, even Rabiatü'l-Adeviyye, who came to the fore with the love of Allah, shed tears during worship and dhikr out of fear of Allah. It should be accepted that these schools, built on the love of God and fear of God, which came to the fore with Hasan Basrî and Rabiatü'l-Adeviyya who lived in the period of Zühd, are two schools that complement each other. Because the feeling of hesitation felt by the people of mysticism while loving Allah reveals the fear of Allah. Therefore, although Hasan Basrî and Rabiatü'l-Adeviyya seem to represent two different understandings, we predict that these two schools are interconnected.
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Hz. Starting from the prophethood of the Prophet, the history of Islamic thought and Islamic sciences continues its existence in various processes on a ground centered on transference and reason. The Sunnah as a way of life, which is the second basic source of the scientific tradition that continues through transmission, after the Quran, and as a narration, especially the Prophet. After the Prophet's death in the afterlife, the belonging of his words, deeds and statements and their nature have been the subject of examination. The narrations are narrated as they were received, that is, with the same wording or as Hz. There have been debates about the accuracy of the transmission in the form of meaning, close to the words expressed by the Prophet. As a result of this, some hadith scholars have argued that only literal narrations are valid, and some hadiths have argued that literal narrations may be permissible under certain conditions. Sufi hadith scholars, on the other hand, tended to focus more on Sufi interpretations, so they resorted to narration with meaning and acted as an interpreter. In most of the hadiths from which they took evidence, they interpreted the hadiths in the light of some Sufi issues such as narration, discovery, knowledge and wisdom. Al-Hakîm at-Tirmidhi, on the other hand, gave priority to literal narration and did not accept narrators' dispositions such as alteration, alteration, omission or increase in the hadith wordings, and stated that when narration with the same wording is not possible, narration with meaning can be resorted to. In this article, we will convey Hakîm's perspective on narration with meaning, especially in his hadith commentary book called Nevâdiru'l-usûl.
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Istražujući muslimanski pogled na ljudska prava u historijskom kontekstu, ovaj rad nastoji da da doprinos međusobnom razumijevanju između različitih vjerskih zajednica. U islamu, pravda je moralna vrlina i atribut ljudskog karaktera, kao što je to u zapadnoj tradiciji. Međutim, problem ljudskih prava u modernom dobu postao je među najvećim izazovima u islamu. Pravne artikulacije islama nose uticaje historije i vremena, koji možda nisu sastavni dio njegove suštine i stoga one moraju ostati otvorene za evolucije i poboljšanja. Islamska tradicija je stvorila koncepte koji bi se mogli primjeniti u sistematskom angažmanu na razvoju savremenih posvećenosti ljudima prava. U ovom radu naglasak je dat na wasaṭiyyah, što je posvećenost pravdi i uravnoteženi pristup svim aspektima ljudskog života koji vodi integraciji svega dobrog na svijetu. Ovaj rad otkriva taj koncept kao jedan od najvećih gubitaka muslimana svijeta čiju vrijednost treba ponovo re-afirmisati. Na taj način rad naglašava pluralitet muslimanskih pogleda na UDHR i neke islamske deklaracije o ljudskim pravima, ali i na kontinuirani kosmopolitizam implicitan kao tema koja se ponavlja u islamskoj kulturi od najranijih vremena.
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Ian Almond, in his work History of Islam in German Thought: from Leibniz to Nietzsche thematizes the views of German philosophers Leibniz, Kant, Herder, Goethe, F. Schlegel, Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche on Islam. The author in this book gives a convincing argument in favour of this monumentally significant topic and demonstrates his genuineness in the research of its better or lesser-known issues and challenges. The image he portrays here is, as a matter of fact, an image of anticipated and non-anticipated findings of the contradictive orientation of German philosophers towards Islam and Muslims in different discursive forms wherein they reveal their antipathy and empathy, imagination and judgments, anger and discomfort, knowledge and prejudice, recognition and disagreement.
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This paper provides an overview of different understandings of the concept of freedom in classical and contemporary Islam. In classical Islam dominates dichotomy of legal and moral freedom. In the first case, freedom is defined as the opposite of (legal) slavery, and in the second, as freedom from desires and worldly interests. In Muslim modernity, freedom implies mostly negative freedom: freedom from the colonial boot, and later from various local despots. In Islam, as in other monotheistic traditions, the concept of freedom is understood as “the submission of the individual to divine law and order.” This is a characteristic monotheistic “paradox of freedom”: only those who obey God are free. Hence, “the Islamic concept of freedom differs from the Western concept, both in terms of assumptions and content.”
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Concrete examples from the life of the Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, and his companions, blessings and peace be upon them, represent the best basis on which it should be builded our attitudes in the time of our lives. There is no reason to question the possibility of applying the models they implemented in their communication performances. One such example is the dialogue of Ja'far ibn Abi Talib with the Abyssinian Christian government of Najashi. This example represents a clear model of dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims and best illustrates the goals and characteristics of such dialogue. Ja'far ibn Abi Talib, as a skilled rhetorician, a good communicator, came towards Najashi with a clear goal. This ultimately resulted in his conversion to Islam. This paper sheds light on the historical context in which the dialogue took place as well as its peculiarities, through the hadith of Umm Salama, may Allah be pleased with her.
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Two manuscripts found in the Oriental collection of the Mostar Franciscan Monastery Provintialate contain notes with the names of certain Mostar Muftis and represent a very important source for the history of the Mostar Mufti’s Office. All former authors who wrote on this topic mentioned these two sources. Present literature says that these two sources date back to the 16th and 17th century, and that the Muftis mentioned in the sources lived and served in the aforementioned period. However, these notes do not date back to the aforementioned centuries, but were written in some later period of time. This paper will re-examine the chronology of the service of the 16th and 17th century Muftis, but also those from the 18th century as well, as the information from the manuscripts related to the 18th century.
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Review of: Ahmed Mehmedović: Muftije Mostara I Hercegovine Muftijstvo Mostarsko, 2023.
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Posljednjih godina svjedoci smo povećanog interesa za nešto što bi se tematski moglo nazvati ”antropologijom islama”. Zapadni antropolozi su upadljivo uvećali broj publikacija u kojima se u naslovu spominju riječi ”islam” ili ”musliman”. Politički razlozi ove velike produkcije su, pretpostavljam, suviše očiti da bi ih bilo vrijedno posebno pominjati. Kako god, osvrnuo bih se ovdje na konceptualne uzroke produkcije ove literature. Zato krenimo sa jednim generalnim pitanjem. Šta je to u stvari ”antropologija islama”? Koji joj je predmet istraživanja? Odgovor bi se mogao sam nuditi: ”Ono što antropologija islama istražuje je, zasigurno, islam”. Ali konceptualizirati islam kao predmet antropološkog studija nije jednostavan poduhvat kao što bi neki autori željeli da mislimo.
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The hadith is the second source of Islam after the Great Qur’an, but the advanced Arabic language scholars such as Sibawayh and Al-Mubarrad did not cite it in their books. Rather, they did not mention it in any of the hadiths, except for a few hadiths that do not exceed the number of fingers on the hand, and those that were mentioned were not mentioned for quotation, but rather they were mentioned as an example to represent It has all the examples mentioned in their books Scholars have three opinions on this question 1- The first opinion: It is absolutely forbidden to cite it. This is the opinion of Abu Hayyan Al-Andalusi and his sheikh Ibn Al-Da’i Ali bin Muhammad Al-Ishbili and others. 2- The second opinion: It is permissible to cite it absolutely, and this is the opinion of Ibn Malik, Ibn Hisham and others 3- The third opinion: It is permissible to cite it, not absolutely, but with the fulfillment of some conditions. This is the opinion of Al-Shatibi, Al-Yayuti, and others. The person who holds each of these opinions has evidence to support the validity of his opinion Among the evidence that prevents people from citing the hadith is that most of the hadith is narrated in meaning, so the words of the hadith are not among the words of the Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, so they cannot be used as evidence. As for the evidence for the permissibility of citing hadith, the Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, is one of the most eloquent people in the world, and his hadiths are narrated with continuous authentic chain of transmission, and verbal narration is the basis of narration, so it is valid to cite it. An example of citing a hadith: On the authority of Abu Hurairah, may God be pleased with him, who said: The Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, said, “The truest word ever said by the Arabs is the word of Labid: Everything except God is false.” The purpose of martyrdom: In the Arabic language, the word is applied to useful sentences, as in this hadith. What is meant by the word here is Labeed’s saying, “Everything except God is false,” and this is a useful sentence.
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Throughout history, religions that aim to bring happiness to humanity in this world and the hereafter have invited people to faith in order to achieve these goals. Some people accepted this invitation and shaped their lives according to the principles of faith, while others did not accept it and lived a life unaware of the peace that faith would offer them. The concept of faith has always preserved its existence wherever there is faith and people. The issue of faith has been questioned independently of the truth of knowledge and reason by theologians of different religions, especially Christian theologians of the Middle Ages. Since their research on faith did not satisfy people, people turned to new searches. Along with the religion of Islam, faith has become one of the most important truths that people turn to in order to achieve happiness in this world and the hereafter. Although there was no debate about faith when our Prophet was alive, Hz. Ali the events that took place among Muslims during the reign of Ali, faith became a subject of debate in the Islamic society. The issue gained a political dimension because the statesmen of the period were also party to these discussions. Different sects have emerged in the Islamic society due to the different narrative and rational evidence put forward about faith. The aim of this study is to reveal the place of faith in the human mind, the issue of the great sin that causes the disintegration of the Islamic society, and the nature of the relationship between deeds and faith.
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This article deals with M. Şerafeddin Yaltkaya's understanding of God and his thoughts on innovation in religion. Yaltkaya's thought structure was influenced by the important political events and intellectual movements of his period. Unlike the traditional methods of Kalam science, his acceptance of intuition as a source of knowledge and his identification of religious belief with social events caused him to develop different ideas from other Kalam scholars. Despite his contributions, Yaltkaya has become a controversial figure due to his ideas about the religious reform project of his time and his thoughts about some theological principles. Yaltkaya's understanding of God focuses on the existence and unity of God. He argues that the concept of Allah is not an abstract concept and that especially the adjectives mentioned in the Quran are metaphorical. This idea contains a criticism against the tecsim movement in Islamic sects. According to Yaltkaya, the ninetynine names of Allah do not come in addition to his primary attributes. Yaltkaya advocates unquestioning obedience to God. According to him, a deep faith in the existence of God requires compliance with God's commands, and without this compliance, faith is considered weak. Yaltkaya has a vision of God who approaches His servants with love and mercy, and emphasizes that mercy is a quality of God that encompasses all beings.
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Salafis based their revivalist ideas primarily on the norms of the faith. Certain jurisprudential teachings (fiqh) as well as some social and political forms are also important in their self-determination. Other Muslis can easily recognize a salafi Muslim, through the specific way of dressing, the characteristic form of behavior, the manner of standing when performing salah (prayer), and also by the specific form of speech. Salafi teachings and ideas have, in the past few decades, spread to such an extent that many Muslims, especially youth, even those who do not generally identify themselves as Salafis, are attracted by some aspects of Salafism. The author here tries to clarify some characteristics of Salafi teaching.
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This article presents a review of the significant contribution made by a number of great Muslim scholars in the field of medical science before the 13th century. We focused here on their original ideas, research work, and principles that made lasting and substantial impact upon the development of medical science. The first part of the article analyses the life and the work of Abu Ali al-Hussein ibn Abdullah ibn al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn Sina, also known as Avicenna. His most famous work, Kitab al-Qanun fi at-Tibb, or simply Canon Medicinae, became a textbook for European universities and remained a guideline for medical science in the West for over six centuries. The second medical scholar of significance that is discussed here is Abu Qasim az-Zahravi, known as Albucasis. His medical encyclopaedia, At- Tasrif li men ‘jaza ‘an at-talif contains detailed descriptions of surgical facts and tools, including over 200 surgical tools that he invented. The third scientist Diya Ad-Din Abu Muhammad Abdullah ibn Ahmed, known as Ibn al-Baitar, was a passionate botanist who surpassed the knowledge of Greece and Rome. The fourth scientist, Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Yahya ibn Zakariyya er-Razi, known as Rhazes, was a Persian physician, philosopher, and alchemist. His clinical statistics and precise descriptions of diseases like measles made significant contributions to the development of medical science. All these scientists left an exceptional heritage and made significant impact on the world’s medical practice.
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